World's Work Vol. 46, no. 5

World's Work Vol. 46, no. 5

1923-09-01

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Arthur W. Page, editor

The World’s Work
ARTHUR W. PAGE, Epitor FRENCH. STROTHER, Manaaine Epiror BURTON J. HENDRICK, Associate Epitor
CONTENTS FOR SEPTEMBER, 1923 President Coolidge - - - - - - - - - - - - = = = = = = = = Frontispiece THE MARCH OF EVENTS—AN EpiTorIAL INTERPRETATION - - - - - - - 443
Carl Sherman Magnus Johnson Mrs. Calvin Coolidge Guy E. Tripp Warren Gamaliel Harding THE WAR IN THE CHURCHES (lilustrated) - - - - - Rotuin Lynpe Hartt 469 The First Article in a Series on the Fundamentalists vs. the Liberals
BROOKHART, HOWELL, AND “BROTHER CHARLEY” BRYAN (Illustrated) 478 Politics as Fought in Nebraska and lowa Cuester H. Rowe tt
THE THREE PER CENT. LOAN SWINDLE - - - - - Joun R. Grecory 486 How Needy Borrowers Are Sometimes Swindled
WILD HUMOR AT THE ANTIPODES (lllustrated) - - - Sypney A. CLOMAN “The Monetization of Celluloid” and “The Anting-Anting”’
THE ELECTRIFICATION OF NORTH AMERICA (JI/lustrated) What the “Super-Power Plan”’ Means GENERAL Guy E. Tripp
“THE FLEET GRIDIRON” (lllustrated) - - - - ReAr-Apmirat W. S. Sims What the Naval War College at Newport Really Does
THE SUCCESS OF OUR SUCCESSORS (Illustrated)- - - Witttam McANnpREWw I. The Faith of the Founders
FAKERS AND FALLACIES - - - - - - - - -FLoyp W. Parsons Old and New Schemes to Dupe the Public
ANCESTRY AND END OF THE KU KLUX KLAN (JIlustrated) Ropert L. Durrus Its Forebears and Its Probable Course and End
CAN AMERICA HELP? (Jilustrated) - - - - - - - = Mark SULLIVAN What Has Been Learned By Our Public Men W hho Are Returning from Europe
THE FIRST THOUSAND THE HARDEST - - - - -
The Way to Begin Saving Successfully
THE WORLD’S WORKSHOP - - - - - - “= Glimpses Behind the Scenes in the Editor’s Office
THE RED LETTER BOOK GUIDE - - - - - - - - THomas L. Masson Reviews of and Remarks About New Books
SUN-DIAL GOSSIP - - NEAR THE END OF THE FRONT ADVERTISING SECTION Chat About the New Books Published at Country Life Press
Copyright, 1923, in the United States, Newfoundland, Great Britain, and other countries by ue Page & Co. Allrights reserved. TERMS: $4.00 a year; single copies 35 cents; Canadian postage 60 cents extra; foreign, $1.00
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© Harris & Ewing
CALVIN COOLIDGE The thirtieth President of the United States

THE
WORLD'S WORK
SEPTEMBER, 1923
Votume XLVI
NUMBER 5
THE MARCH OF EVENTS
HATEVER opinion may
be held as to the general
effect of the new immigra-
tion law, it has accom-
plished at least one result of a salutary kind. The pictures which the newspapers present of anxious foreigners pounding for admission, and of the dispairing crowds shipped back to Europe, make rather melancholy reading, yet the question has an- other side. The United States is assuming a different aspect in the eyes of the European peasant and of Europe generally. In the old days the inclination was strong to regard this country as a dumping ground. The European steamship lines looked upon it merely as an opportunity to heap up profits: by the trans- portation of heterogeneous human cargoes. The gates were wide open; the country ap- parently had little interest in the quality of the newcomers it received; almost no ques- tions were asked and the few restrictions laid down in the statutes were constantly evaded. A private house that admits all kinds of guests inspires little respect, and, similarly, the freedom with which all ap- plicants could gain admittance to this country decreased the honor in which American resi- dence and citizenship were held. The im- migration statistics themselves disclose the slight enthusiasm which certain types of im- migrants felt for this country. Many were simply birds of passage; they came, enjoyed for a short time high wages, and then de- parted. Despite large immigration from
certain European countries in the last few years, the United States has added nothing to its population from these sources, for the de- partures have frequently exceeded the arrivals.
Now, however, the expectant European has only one thought in mind, as, amid the unhappiness of his old world surroundings, he ponders the great adventure: “Can | get in?” Does he possess the moral and physical quali- fications that will permit him to pass the gates? This is the hope that fills his every waking moment on the voyage across the Atlantic. The disappointment is bitter when this aspira- tion is denied; the exultation is correspond- ingly great when it is realized. Access to this country is thus a privilege, something which everyone can not obtain. ‘he fact that an immigrant passes the inspector is instantly a certificate of character and of ef- ficiency. The fine quality of the immigrants now landing at Ellis Island is the point that all observers insist on. Practically all who are now coming possess the stuff of American citizenship. They are the successful contes- tants in the present race for admission. All this must affect their attitude toward theirnew country, for it is a well known human trait to prize a thing in accordance with the difficulty one has in obtaining it, and it may safely be as- sumed that a foothold on American soil means far more to these new arrivals than it did in the old days when no questions were asked.
The United States is rapidly becoming the exclusive club among the nations. Every effort should be made to keep it so.

© Harris & Ewing
CARL SHERMAN
Attorney General of New York State who, by an effective campaign against fraudulent promoters and other financial crooks is demonstrating that it is not more laws we need to protect the public from these pirates as much as it is enforcement of our present laws




© Harris & Ewing
MRS. CALVIN COOLIDGE The new mistress of the White House

© Journal Ptg. Co.
MAGNUS JOHNSON Elected to the United States Senate on the Farmer-Labor ticket in Minnesota. Senator Johnson was born in Sweden and came to America at the age of 21. He is a “dirt farmer” and owes his election to the discontent aroused among the farmers of the Middle West and Northwest because of the low prices of farm products and the high prices of manufactured goods

GUY E. TRIPP Chairman of the Board of the Westinghouse Electric and Manufacturing Company, and an important figure in the movement for the “‘super-power plan” which he describes in an article in this number of the Wor _p’s WorkK [See page 408]

© Harris & Ewing
Warren Gamaliel Harding
Twentp-ninth President of the Anited States. Born in Corsica, Obi, Rovember 2, 1865. Died in San Francisco, California, duqust 2, 1923








The March of Events
A Success Built on Character
_ (OST of the tributes paid to the late M Warren G. Harding emphasize the man’s lovable personal traits and his
dignity and honesty of character. The mass mind of America has an unerring instinct for the predominant qualities in public person- ages, and this tendency to stress the Presi- dent’s personal side may therefore be accepted as expressing the essential truth. Everyone who came into contact with Mr. Harding loved him. His fine, handsome, stalwart figure, his keen and sympathetic blue eyes, his vigorous stride, his manly handclasp, all sug- gested that fundamental Americanism which was the source of his strength and of the confidence that he inspired in his integrity of purpose. The Americanism of President Harding cannot be too emphatically insisted on. It went back many generations, for he came of pioneering stock. His ancestors had fought Indians, leveled trees, and built a home and a farm in primeval Connecticut, and, though Mr. Harding possessed a geniality and flexibility which are not usually regarded as Yankee traits, his origin clearly influenced his every thought and act. He believed in the ideas and the aspirations which launched America in the family of nations and he al- ways unashamedly proclaimed his faith in them. The Constitution and the Supreme Court never had a more robust defender. New-fangled ‘‘modern notions’ found no lodgment in his brain, for the fundamentals of Anglo-Saxon civilization represented, in his mind, the highest inspirations of real progress. Magna Charta, the Bill of Rights, the Dec- laration of Independence, and the Gettys- burg Address he regarded as the fine flower of political thinking. Radicalism, especially the exotic and imported variety, did not seem in his eyes an adequate substitute for the con- ceptions of the “founding fathers.” With Mr. Harding this was an_instinct—‘‘ad- vanced” philosophers would say a prejudice— rather than a reasoned conviction. The late President was not a scholarly man or one greatly given to reading or study, and his sed for ‘“‘normalcy’”’ made him an easy subject for the ridicule of ‘“‘liberals.” But the typical American also is not a deep thinker. The things that make up the fibre of Anglo-Saxon civilization have been worked out in a thousand years’ experience with the
449
problems of daily existence. These things are a belief in public sobriety, in ordered liberty, in majority rule, representative gov- ernment, equality before the law, free demo- cratic opportunity in all the necessities and comforts of existence, and those conceptions of private morality that have been woven into the very texture of our minds. These were the things that President Harding em- bodied in dignified and modest fashion, and for this reason the American masses, brief as was their acquaintance with their twenty- ninth President, had learned to love and re- spect him. Mingled with their admiration was a sense of pride that a sturdy American could step from the ranks and so acceptably fill the duties of the most exacting office on earth. It all made for the capacity and the dignity of American citizenship.
Permanent Landmarks of the Harding Administration
R. HARDING’S success was thus the M success of character; and that, after
all, is the highest praise. However, the mere fact that the late President was so much like millions of other more obscure Americans, lends particular point to a minute examination of his record. What kind of a President was this modest and homely Amer- ican gentleman who was taken almost un- awares and drafted for the White House by the largest popular majority ever accorded a candidate for the office? Here again there is little comfort for the pessimist, for Mr. Harding’s two and a half years at Washington makes a not unimpressive showing. His se- lection of probably the ablest cabinet since MckKinley’s in itself was an achievement of no small order. The readiness with which he surrounded himself with the best talent in his party testifies not only to his capacity for leadership but to the disinterestedness and modesty of his own purposes. Because Mr. Harding met this test so satisfactorily his death is far less of a calamity on the Adminis- trative side than it might otherwise have been. With certain Harding policies, notably the Fordney-McCumber Tariff Law and the Ship Subsidy Bill, this magazine could have no sympathy, but other of Mr. Harding’s achieve- ments will exercise a healthy influence upon the Nation for generations to come. The Budget Bill has reduced American finances to

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Work
Keystone View Co.
PRESIDENT COOLIDGE With Mrs. Coolidge and their two sons
something like system—and this for the first time since the early days of the Republic. It is an astonishing truth that, until the Hard- ing Administration came in, Turkey and the United States were practically the only im- portant Powers without a Budget. We had for decades followed the most hit-or-miss method in raising and spending money; thanks to President Harding and his able ad- visers, our financial scheme has so improved that this year, instead of an anticipated deficit of $800,000, the Treasury shows a surplus of $200,000,000. As time goes on the institution of the Federal Budget will become as perma- nent a monument to Mr. Harding’s domestic policy as is the Federal Reserve System to the Administration of Woodrow Wilson. Probably even more important, in the devel- opment of the country, is the new American immigration policy. The apparent deter- mination of eastern and Mediterranean Eu- rope to solve many of their post-war problems by dumping millions of their most undesirable
peoples on our Atlantic seaboard brought to sharp focus a matter that has given thoughtful Americans pause for more than half a century. Ever since the Civil War the Nation has been fumbling with the immigration question. So long as immigrants were confined chiefly to northwestern Europe the question had not grown sufficiently acute to bring about re- Strictive measures; the certainty, however, that the immigrants of the future would be composed of eastern Europeans, southern Europeans and miscellaneous Asiatics, meant that the United States was about to discard its birthright and deliver its destinies over to a hopeless mongrelism. In meeting this situation President Harding disclosed that the New England quality known as “horse sense” is far more desirable than a pale intellectual sentimentalism. For the sentimentalists have all too long had their way in the matter of immigration; President Harding and_ his party brushed aside the idea that America is a “refuge,” a place always ready to wel-



The March of Events
come the distressed and incapable of all races and of all nations, and substituted the more wholesome conception that its first duty to the world and to itself is to become rather the Paradise of the morally and mentally and physically efficient. The 3 per cent. immigra- tion law is therefore one of the greatest monuments of the Harding Administration; this has already succeeded so well that, probably with certain strengthening modifi- cations, it may be regarded as our permanent policy.
Greatest Success in Foreign Relations
R. HARDING’S veto of the Bonus, M and his insistence on enforcing the Pro-
hibition laws, again demonstrated his honesty and his respect for law which were part of the secret of his success. All these things constitute a splendid domestic record, but it is in foreign affairs that his work will probably have its most far-reaching influence. It is one of those paradoxes not unusual in American affairs that an administration placed in power for the purpose of keeping the United States aloof from European politics should have achieved its really epoch-making success in foreign relations. President Hard- ing was himself chiefly proud of two accom- plishments—the international agreement on naval limitation and the Four-Power treaty regulating the future of the Far East. Both will loom large in history not only as achieve- ments in themselves but because they intro- duce new ideas in the relations of nations. For twenty-five years preceding the Great War, several half-hearted attempts had been made to reduce naval and land armaments. Statesmen knew that the reduction of such armaments was the only way of preventing the European war which was every day com- ing nearer. All these attempts failed and failed for one reason: the will to cut down navies and armies did not exist. The prevail- ing will was rather the will for war. President Harding’s Washington Conference succeeded because he and his Secretary of State were able to substitute the peace-desire for the war- desire, and the eloquent way in which they accomplished this forms a brilliant episode in our history. Something greater has come out of the Naval treaties than the limitation of warships; for the first time the Powers have conceded that their armament is not a matter
451
which concerns exclusively themselves, but that it is something about which their fellow nations have the right to be heard. When the greatest naval Powers can come together, sit around a table, and decide what size fleet each one is permitted to have, a tremendous stride has been taken for world coéperation and world peace. The League of Nations has so far accomplished nothing comparable to this single achievement of Mr. Harding’s.
At the same time the Harding Administra- tion eliminated the Anglo-Japanese Alliance —something that threatened not only British- American relations, but the peace of the Far East; and, in its place, was created something in the nature of a League of Nations for Pacific Powers. Those who raif against Mr. Harding for his aloofness from the Geneva organization should bear this fact in mind. They should also not forget the splendid legacy which Mr. Harding has left. His last important policy was his advocacy of Amer- ican participation in the International Court of Justice; his last speech—alas! not delivered, but given to the press— was an appeal for its ratification by the Senate. Just what effect Mr. Harding’s death will have upon its fate is not apparent. That unhappy event does, however, add a certain solemnity to the already valid reasons for its success. There are no reasonable objections to the Court; all the arguments so far made are founded not on reason, but rise from ignorance, prejudice, or that demagogism which is one of the pen- alties of democracy. The Court is not a European but an American scheme. It has for twenty-five years been one of the planks of the Republican platform. It did not orig- inate in the League of Nations—though that, if true, would be no respectable argument against it; it originated in the minds of Amer- ican statesmen. It cannot possibly involve the United States in European entanglements; its influence will be quite the reverse. The fact is that President Harding and his asso- ciates were gradually building up a foreign policy of permanent character. Naval limi- tation, the Far Eastern Treaty, and the International Court—here are three accom- plishments that would have madeany adminis- tration memorable, and not the least consoling thought in President Coolidge’s declaration that he intends to continue the Harding policies is the assurance that this work in foreign relations will go on.

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© Harris & Ewing CALVIN COOLIDGE, JR. The younger of the President's two sons
New England Again in the White House
OR the first time since Franklin Pierce (1853-7) the White House is tenanted by a lank and raw-boned New England
Yankee. For the first time since John Quincy Adams the state of Massachusetts has provided a President for the Nation which she did so much to create. President Hard- ing, too, came of New England stock; but it was stock that had transplanted itself to Ohio; and in two or three generations it had taken on much of that geniality and accessibility which are so natural tothe West. But Calvin Coolidge, in appearance, manner, and senten- tiousness is redolent of the New England soil. There is an appropriateness in the fact that the new President’s first name is Calvin, as there is in the fact that he took his oath of office in a New England town named Ply- mouth. Mr. Coolidge’s published book bears the significant title: ‘‘Have Faith in Massa- chusetts!”’ and the very name Coolidge itself suggests the cabin of the Mayflower. The popular impression of the new President cor- responds with this New England background.
Americans know him as a man who acts promptly and vigorously and who does little talking. His published speeches justify this characterization; the fact that chiefly strikes the reader is their astonishing brevity. One of Mr. Coolidge’s inaugural addresses as Governor of Massachusetts consisted of only six lines and most of his state papers and public addresses similarly displayed almost a morbid fear of boring the listener. Yet his English style is packed with an aphoristic quality that almost suggests Emerson. ‘“Ex- pect to be called a standpatter, but don’t be a standpatter. Expect to be called a dema- gogue but don’t be a demagogue. Don’t hesitate to be as revolutionary as science. Don’t hesitate to be as reactionary as the multiplication table.” That is fine philoso- phy and excellently expressed, and this sort of thing is found throughout his writings. “Laws,” he declares, ‘‘must rest on the eterna! foundations of righteousness.” There again is heard the voice of Puritan New England. Indeed, Mr. Coolidge’s devotion to Massa- chusetts and everything that it represents is really Websterian. ‘There she stands!”
A Vice-President Elected
ISTINCTIVE of New England as
President Coolidge is—no other sec-
tion of the country could possibly have produced him—geography had nothing to do with his nomination as Vice-President. Neither did the honor come to him as a con- solation prize—as a sop thrown to pacify a disgruntled section of his party. In good old political jargon, Mr. Coolidge was nominated for one purpose: ‘‘to strengthen the ticket.” At the time of the Republican Convention, indeed, Mr. Coolidge was much better known to the American public than was Mr. Harding, for the promptness and courage with which he had checked the policemen’s strike in Boston had sent his name ringing all over the land. Mr. Coolidge was therefore selected for Vice-President for the very good reason that he was himself regarded as Presidential timber. He was chosen as the possible heir apparent for such a sad occasion as has now arisen. This augurs well for his success. That Mr. Coolidge possesses independence of judgment he disclosed early in the cam- paign. Mr. Harding had denounced the League of Nations as a “‘super-government.

as SeC- ibly ling ent. “on- ya old ated et.” 10n, own ling, hich e in r the cted ason ntial heir now “CESS. lence cam-
the ent.”
The March of Events
vet in an early speech Mr. Coolidge somewhat drily remarked that he did ‘‘not believe that the covenant intended to create a super- government.” That Mr. Harding was a man who could respect an honest difference of opinion was shown when he invited the Vice- President to attend cabinet meetings to fa- miliarize himself with the duties that he might be called upon to fill.
Naturally Mr. Coolidge’s somewhat more cordial attitude towards the League of Na- tions has raised hopes in certain bosoms, but, his campaign remarks need not necessarily be interpreted in the terms of the present situation. They do indicate a benevolent attitude towards American participation in the reconstruction of Europe and in this they are valuable. Especially are they important for the assurance they give that the new President, like the departed one, will make the International Court his leading plank in foreign affairs. It may safely be assumed that the Nation could find no abler or more determined advocate of this great tribunal than the quiet and thoughtful gentleman now in the White House. Most phases of American thought are now well represented at Washington. But now also a touch of the bleak New England conscience can serve a useful purpose, and this the Nation possesses in President Calvin Coolidge.
Politics and the Price of Wheat
HE price of wheat has always exer- cised an important influence on Amer-
ican history. In the seventies it was almost the determining element in political campaigns; in that period it elected no Presi- dents, it is true, but it did elect governors, congressmen, and senators, and it profoundly affected legislation. Its most lasting results were certain decisions of the United States Supreme Court, which settled for all time the powers of Congress in regulating railroads, and the creation of the Interstate Commerce Commission.
Twenty years afterward the price of wheat probably elected a President. This was in 1806. Agricultural depression was the cause of the uprising of the farmers in the early ‘nineties—an uprising that delivered the Democratic organization to the “radical”’ wing of the party and culminated in the nomination of Bryan. All through the Bryan
© Harris & Ewing JOHN COOLIDGE Ihe older son of the President
campaign of 1896 the unhappiness of the farmer was the prevailing note Crops could not be sold, the farms were mortgaged, and ruin apparently faced the great Middle West. What was the cause of this depression? The farmers found it in the transactions of Wall Street, in the manipulations of the speculator, above all, in a currency system, which, they asserted, had been deliberately created for the purpose of robbing them. The econo- mists explained it on other and more rational grounds, such as bad crops, a lessening of European demand, and the like. The argu- ments flew thickly through the air all that warm summer, but had no result except to increase the ill-feeling of both parties to the dispute.
A few weeks before the election, however, an event took place of a most practical kind. The wheat crop showed a decided slump in all parts of the world except one—that was the American Middle West. Famine over- whelmed India; Russia and the South Amer- ican countries suffered from pests and other destructive enemies. The result was a sud- den demand for American wheat from all

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A TYPICAL WHEAT FIELD WITHIN VIEW OF THE ELEVATORS
The high freight rates that are in effect at the very time when farm produce is comparatively low in price has been the cause of much opposition on the part of the farmers to the Esch-Cummins Act, which they blame for the high rates. The railroads and, in fact, ‘“‘capital’’ in general and ‘‘ Wall Street” in particular, have all been energetically opposed by the “radical” farmers, who, as a matter of fact, are not radical but are, instead, deeply interested in securing some
legislative solution to their problems.
With a return of good prices there will probably be a return of the farmers to
their former party allegiances
parts of the civilized world and immediately prices rose; American farms became bee hives of industry. Instead of an indefinite period
of misery, the farmers saw the approaching
glow of prosperity, while Mr. Bryan and his fellow campaigners felt their ground giving way. They had been telling the farmer that the one way to increase prices was to debase the currency, but, in the face of all this cam- paign oratory, the farmer perceived that he could sell his crops for the very good reason that there were millions of people who must have them or starve. The effect upon the presidential campaign was immediate; any chance of election Mr. Bryan may have had at once disappeared and William McKinley went into the White House with an enormous majority. History furnishes few instances more striking of a mighty structure of words being so completely demolished by one fact.
“Radicalism” and ‘‘Communism”’ in the Election
HE same old disturbing influence, the price of agricultural products, is the most potential force in American poli- tics at the present moment. The general election last fall showed the prevailing discon- tent, especially in the farming sections, and the Harding Administration, being in power, naturally became its heir. The tremendous
majority of 7,000,000 votes obtained only two years before was greatly reduced, and the Republican margin in both houses of Con- gress cut down almost to the vanishing point. The success of so-called “radicals,” both in the primaries and at the elections, seemed to render the situation especially acute. At that time there was a tendency to minimize this catastrophe as more or less a seasonal phenomenon; elections in the middle of a presidential term not infrequently go against the party in power. The “repudiation” therefore was reported, in certain quarters, as a temporary flurry. The recent election in Minnesota, however, rather disposes of this idea.
Last fall the candidate of the so-called Farmer-Labor party in that state succeeded in defeating the candidates of both the old line parties and in obtaining a seat in the senate. At the recent election, a special one held to select a successor to the late Knute Nelson, the same forces won with an even larger majority. The cause of both these victories was the same. The personalities of the candidates, interesting and appealing as they were, did not determine the result. Mr. Magnus Johnson is the type of statesmar who has frequently, in a crisis of this kin¢ succeeded in converting himself into a symbol of the farmer’s woes. A native of Sweden, Johnson came to this country when he was


n the rates. ed by some ers to
two the Con- oint. th in -d to
At mize sonal of a ainst tion” rters, ction f this
called eeded d line onate. eld to elson, larger ‘tories f the 1g as
Mr. esmar kine ymbol veden, 1e was
The March of Events
twenty-one and his English naturally still retains traces of his trans-Atlantic origin. In his busy life he has alternately been a seaman, a glass blower, a millhand, a lumberjack, and a farmer. Of his personal popularity there seems to be no question. His election has caused alarm in conservative quarters, the fact that he stood as the candidate of the Farmer-Labor party and that he advocated certain “radical issues” apparently causing certain alarmists to regard him as the van- guard of the revolution. That the “commun- ist’’ party called upon all loyal devotees to support Mr. Johnson is another point in the indictment. Yet these fears have not gained much popular headway. There are probably not 5,000 real “communists” in the United States, and the small representation in the state of Minnesota could not have contributed much to the election of a candidate whose majority was more than 80,000. It is not even clear that the Farmer-Labor party, whose: titular candidate Mr. Johnson was, can clafm’ much credit for his success. “A few days’ before the Minnesota election the Farmer-Labor convention, sitting in Chicago, was captured by a handful of communists,
455 chiefly aliens, led by C. E. Ruthenberz, long a
o familiar figure in demonstrations of this kind. Mr. Johnson advocated certain causes gen- erally regarded as “radical,” but it was the radicalism of the LaFollette school. He favored the recognition of Soviet Russia, the curbing of the powers of the Supreme Court, the revaluation of railroads so as to “squeeze out the water,” the repeal of the Esch-Cum- mins law, regarded as responsible for existing railroad rates, and a soldiers’ bonus, while he took his stand against the League of Na- tions and the International Court.
But it was doubtful if any of these matters had much influence upon the election. The result was nothing more than a protest against existing agricultural conditions. The deplor- able fact is that the farmers of the great Middle West are in serious difficulties and this is a calamity not only for them but for the nation as a whole. Our farming population compose one third of the American people. To a great extent they form the nation’s back- bone. That the nation is prosperous is evident, yet it is not an entirely grateful pros- perity that leaves one third of our people in difficulties and that third probably its sturdi-

&
A NORTH DAKOTA WHEAT FIELD
The decline in the price of wheat has had a marked effect on politics in the upper Missouri and upper Mississippi val-
leys, and “‘radicals’”’ have been elected to the Senate who announce their intention of demanding legislation to help the
farmer. As has happened before, the reduced price of wheat and other farm produce, has been caused, at least in part, by over-production



450
est and most deserving element. The reason for this depression is plain. High freight rates, a poor system of marketing, inadequate transportation are contributing causes to agricultural depression, but the basic difficulty is over-production. The farming sections responded heroically to the demands made upon them in war time and they have now become the victims of their patriotic zeal. They have increased their facilities to a point beyond that at which the market can absorb their products; they are overextended, and this situation, as in the ’seventies and the ’nine- ties, has had its political consequences. That accounts for the recent phenomenon in Minnesota. That this strong Republican state has two Farmer-Labor senators at Wash- ington does not mean that a third party is about to be formed. If agricultural condi- tions improve, the farmers will assume once more their political allegiances; if these con- ditions grow worse, then more setbacks of this kind are in store for the Republican party. The fact that the farmer’s position does not seem to be improving is not an encouraging prospect for the forces in power, for it is the party in power that necessarily becomes the target of agricultural dissatisfaction.
How to Raise the Price of Wheat
HE statesman who will ease the
present disturbed political waters is the
one who can increase the price of wheat. The only group that has a definite programme to accomplish this is the “bloc”’ which Mr. Magnus Johnson has announced his intention of joining. It demands a special session of Congress for the considera- tion of the agricultural question. The pro- posal that finds most favor is one providing that the Federal Treasury shall purchase all the fall wheat offered at $1.50 a bushel and hold it for higher prices. Like everything associated with agricultural crises, this sugges- tion is not new. It has always been brought forward in all past agrarian depressions, and it will doubtless be brought forward in all future ones. It has never been adopted, except in war time, and it is not likely that it will pass Congress this year. The objections are suf- ficiently obvious. Such authorities are not the proper function of government; they mean taking the money of certain citizens and trans- ferring it to the pockets of others. Even the
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common plea that agriculture, as the “basic industry,” is entitled to preferential treat- ment, can hardly be maintained. In any structure so complicated as the modern or- ganization of civilization it can not be said that there is any “basic industry,” for each one is absolutely dependent on all the others. This idea of government purchase was pre- sented to the Wheat Conference that recently met in Chicago and was promptly voted down.
There is one way to increase the price of farm products that would be more efficacious thar the proposed governmental action. That would be to decrease the price of the commodi- ties which the farmer buys. As a matter of fact, farm products, in most cases, are bring- ing higher prices than before the war; but their exchange value, because of the increase in the use of manufactured articles, is much less. The situation must work itself out gradually, and any assistance the central government can legitimately extend will meet with general approval. Congress, indeed, has already done much, but the problem still seems unsolved. The political possibilities of the crisis are apparently not yet exhausted.
Governor Wood and the Filipinos
HAT certain Filipino leaders requested
President Harding to remove Leonard
Wood as Governor-general comes as no surprise to those who have followed ‘the recent course of events in the Phi- lippine Islands. This action has been inevi- table since the day General Wood assumed his new duties. The reason openly given for this request—a disagreement with the Gover- nor-general over the reinstatement of a cer- tain public official—is only the ostensible one. The resignation of the Filipino cabinet brings to a head the old controversy which has raged for more than ten years about American policies in the Islands. Shall the United States give the Philippine Islands immediate and unconditional independence? Or shall this country maintain a guardian hand, care- fully training the Filipino people in the ways of self-government, with the idea of making them a free state just as soon as they have demonstrated their capacity for self rule? Manuel Quezon, who is leading the present movement, stands for the first policy, while General Wood advocates the more cautious



ww te ws
— = ve




The March of Events 45
|






© E. M. Newman
MANILA AND THE PASIG RIVER The agitation in favor of independence has reached a serious stage in the Philippines, although, from the expressed desire for “‘independence under the protection of the United States” an unusual understanding is shown of the real meaning of the term
programme. That is the issue in the present controversy.
President Wilson was a believer in absolute Philippine independence, and the new measure of government which his administration pro- vided for the Islands carried out his purpose to a considerable degree. For the last seven years, since 1916, the Philippine Islands have enjoyed a period of almost complete auton- omy. Both branches of the legislature are composed of Filipinos, and the judiciary and all members of the cabinet, having charge of the executive departments, are likewise na- tives. The civil service has been so com- pletely Filipinized that less than 4 per cent. of its members are now Americans. The authority of the United States is represented only by the Governor-general, appointed by the President, who possesses veto power over the acts of the legislatures. For all practical purposes, however, the Philippine Islands have been self-governing, and their history for the last ten years may therefore be regarded as giving a fair demonstration of the justice of the claim they now make to absolute independence.
What then, have been the results of this
experiment? The report on this subject by Governor Wood and Mr. Cameron Forbes, recently submitted to President Harding, is chiefly responsible for the present agitation. Governor Wood and his associate, as prepara- tion for this survey, made a four months’ tour, covering practically every important section of the Islands. The resulting docu- ment is written in a friendly and_ well mannered spirit; it is by no means the product of an unaccommodating and domineering mind. In the main, it is highly complimen- tary to the people of the Philippines. It pays high tribute to their intelligence, courtesy, patriotism, and capacity for ultimate self- rule. It appears that there has been a ten- dency in this country to depreciate their civilization. The facts are that the Filipinos have a mighty zeal for education; that their children are unusually precocious; that the Filipino mind is well adapted to the profes- sions; that Filipino women, proud, industri- ous, self-sacrificing, and devoted to their homes, are the mainstay of the nation; that Filipinos as a mass are cleanly in their habits, neat in their attire, orderly, and self-respect-
ing. Their progress in twenty-three years—





© Clinedinst MANUEL L. QUEZON A major in the Philippine Army during the Philippine Insurrection 1898-1900, and a member of Aguinaldo’s
staff. Later he was a provincial governor and for ten
years was resident commissioner to the United States.
He is now the leader of the opposition to General Wood and a leader of the movement for independence
of course under American tutelage—is prob- ably the greatest ever made by one of the so- called backward peoples. In one important respect the Filipinos differ from all the other peoples of the Far East who have come under the control of Europeans: the larger number are Christians, the extension of Christianity having been one of the main purposes of the Spanish conquest. A striking point in their character is that they are themselves im- mensely proud of the progress they have made in this short period, and are exceedingly grateful to Americans, who, contrary to what is probably the current view, are very popular in the islands.
Despite these encouraging facts, conditions are not satisfactory. A “reasonable propor- tion’”’ of the officials are capable and honest, but the public services are constantly losing in efficiency. Politics is the besetting sin, as in other more enlightened countries. The fine system of highways, established by Ameri- cans, is rapidly deteriorating, and the health
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service, which was our chief price, 1s in wretched condition: there were 50,000 deaths from small pox last year; typhus, beri-beri, and tuberculosis are almost unchecked, while the treatment of the insane is medieval. Philippine finances are in disorder, largely through the dishonest management of the National Bank; the Philippine government, indeed, has difficulty in meeting its obliga- tions. Public confidence in the administra- tion of justice is greatly shaken. In fact Governor Wood believes that to remove the restraining hand of the United States would simply result in anarchy and probably in subjection to some other power.
Do the Filipinos desire their independence? Wherever Governor Wood and Mr. Forbes went, they were usually greeted with signs containing the word “Welcome” and phrases unmistakably voicing an ambition for in- dependence. This was seemingly the unan- imous view of the Christian population; the Mohammedans and pagans, however, are so insistent on maintaining the present régime that, in case independence is granted, they insist that their territories shall remain under American control—in other words they wish to create a situation not unlike that of Ulster in Ireland. How little the Christian popula- tion understand the word “independence”’ is evident from the fact that, whenever they ask for it, they always add that they expect it ‘under the protection of the United States.” There is, of course, no such thing as “ protec- tive independence’’; it must be absolute or it is not independence. Thus it is apparent that even those most desirous of independence do not want an absolute divorce from this country. What they probably do want is complete control of their own affairs, and the American protection against foreign aggres- sion and internal disorder—something like the present régime in Cuba. But General Wood believes that the time has not yet come for this, and probably the best American opinion will sustain this view.
England no Longer an Island
hangs over the future peace of Europe is the race which has already started for the dominance of the air. The supremacy which France has obtained has caused such great perturbation in England that large ap-
p ROBABLY the most serious cloud that



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propriations are already planned for aircraft in the latter country. Something in the nature of a race for the control of the air has already started between the two great allies in the recent war.
This fact is more discouraging for European peace than the present diplomatic misunder- standings between Great Britain and France. Disagreements over the Ruhr have seriously strained Franco-British relations; but this is something that can be ironed out in time. Competition in armament, however, can have only one end. It is necessary to go back only a generation to find the most satisfactory rela- tions existing between England and Ger- many. All through the Victorian epoch France and Russia alternated as Britain’s potential foe; Germany was the friend. Lord Salisbury, as Foreign Minister, was always well disposed to Germany—witness his ex- change of Heligoland for the protectorate of Zanzibar; France in his eyes was the enemy. What was it that so completely changed the situation and converted Germany into the enemy and France into the friend? Mr. H. H. Asquith, in his recently published recol- lections, makes the facts clearer than they have ever been made before. About 1900
Germany, which had never been a sea power,
began constructing a mighty fleet. That
of Events 459 fleet could have only one purpose. This purpose was not to protect German com- merce or to keep off vague enemies; the fleet could not go far to sea, and so could not protect commerce or fight the United States; it was constructed, in all its details, solely for action against the British ships in the North Sea. By constructing this great fleet the Kaiser boldly announced that it was his inten- tion to destroy the British Empire and extend the German state over its ruins. This fact naturally made Germany and Great Britain enemies and led to that ‘‘encircling policy”’ which gave Britain her safeguard against extinction.
The construction of a huge air fleet is not so positive a challenge to Great Britain as was the building of the mighty dreadnaughts that could only be used against the apparently impregnable empire. The purpose of France is unquestionably protection against Germany and perhaps Russia. It is part of that general security against an attack from across the Rhine which is the one aim of French state- craft at the present time. Germany is said to be building a large number of commercial air- planes, readily convertible for war purposes, and France intends to be stronger in the air than her rival. Unfortunately, however, air craft completely demolishes the strategic



AN AIRPLANE CARRIER—THE Langley
Be.ore the World War the greatest armament race was between Great Britain and Germany.
navies that were being built.
In that case it was
The Washington Conference ended, at least for a period of years, the post war naval
armament race, but already a serious and similar race between Great Britain and France is being run—this time over aircraft—and other nations, including the United States, are forced to follow suit

460
position which has been England’s safeguard for thousands of years. The keystone of English history has been the fact that she is an island. This explains much in her de- velopment politically and governmentally, for it has bestowed the inestimable gift of security. But the airplane is rapidly as- suming a position of preéminence in warfare; many experts believe that it will be the de- cisive factor in any future conflict. In that event Great Britain loses her insularity; she becomes at a stroke a continental power, just as easily invaded as Germany or France, and just as difficult to protect. The mere fact that a great military power possesses a tremendous fleet that can be.as readily hurled against England as against a con- tinental country suggests infinite possibilities in the future politics of Europe.
“White Collar’ Recruits for the Manual Trades
MOVEMENT, recently launched in A New York and other large cities, prom- ises to have wide sweeping industrial and social consequences. Its purpose is to
persuade native American boys, the grad-
uates of American public schools, to desert the overpopulated and poorly paid “white collar’? occupations and to join the ranks of the manual workers. In New York the ap- prenticeship commission of the Building Con- gress is conducting th's campaign, and the fact that it is already meeting with marked success promises much for the future of Am- erican industry.
The high wages paid manual workers, and the low wages paid other more polite indoor occupations, is one of the most extensively advertised facts of the times. The $12 or $13 a day obtained by brick layers and plasterers is constantly contrasted with the $4 or $5 paid bank clerks and other office employees. But the explanation of these disparities is no secret. There is a great scarcity of brick- layers, but there is no particular scarcity of “adding machines.” Bricklayers and other manual workers can consequently dictate the prices they shall be paid, while their more neatly attired contemporaries are obliged to take what they can get. The scarcity of skilled workers in certain trades, expecially the building trades, is so great that the situation, unless relief is immediately forth-
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coming, is likely to become critical. Such relief can be obtained only from the native American population. Immigration, even though the bars are completely lowered, will not provide it, for immigration furnishes re- cruits chiefly of the unskilled variety. Unless American boys can therefore be persuaded to adopt the trades which their fathers fol- lowed, the outlook for American industry is not rosy.
Is a bookkeeper, a bank clerk, a miscellane- ous office worker necessarily a more dignified and a more socially acceptable person than a skilled worker with his hands? All manual workers do not occupy an inferior social sta- tion even under present conditions. Portrait painters and sculptors work with their hands; they “mix their paint with brains,” it is true, but so do the skillful carpenter, the stone mason, and the follower of many a manual trade. The furniture of the handworkers of previou. generations is now assiduously collected for its artistic value. It is hardly necessary to labor this point, however, for the rush to the clean linen brigades was precipi- tated in the days when economic conditions were very different from those of the present time. Twenty years ago a _ bookkeeper earned as much as the mechanic and perhaps more. Much as the sons of working men, commonly the graduates of grammar and high schools, enjoy the social uplift which seems to come with a sedentary and cleanly occupation, the financial reward after all, is the determining one. Most any man will sweep the streets for a living if the wages are made sufficiently high. It is the sad lesson of history that wealth, however obtained, is the consideration which ultimately determines social prestige, and in the long run a brick- layer, earning $75 a week, will probably be a more desired person than a bookkeeper earn- ing $25. Neither, in the important things of life, is the bricklayer’s necessarily a less cleanly job. His greater compensation means that he can live in a better house, wear better clothes —except perhaps when he is at work—give his wife and children more comforts, and in general possess more of the amenities of exis- tence than the poorly paid office worker.
It is therefore not surprising that the pres- ent movement to interest American boys in the building trades is meeting with encourag- ing success. The Apprenticeship Commission is doing its work in thorough fashion. _ It first

March of
of all insists on thorough training. The appren- tices are taught their trades in two ways—on the job and in the trade schools. They obtain comfortable wages and spend two evenings a week increasing their technical knowledge. Up to the present time there has been no lack of ma- terial. Hundreds of boys of the “white collar” va- riety have already ap- plied to the commission, and the unions are co- operating in the work. Apparently the time is not far distant when the ranks of the plasterers,
Events

painters, bricklayers, and carpenters will be filled with young men who, ex- cept for this movement, would be spending miser- able lives in the over- crowded office and professional occupations. The extension of the movement into other
occupations is a natural development of its success in the building trades. Unless, indeed, there is a speedy increase in skilled workmen the future of American industry is dark.
America’s Reserve Power in Men
HOSE seeking the fundamental rea-
sons for a hopeful outlook on American
life and the American democratic experiment, can find them in the life of the late Justice William R. Day, of the United States Supreme Court. Here was a man who had passed his most active years practising law in a moderate sized Ohio town. He had nearly reached his fiftieth year before his name had become known beyond the borders of his native state. Only the accidental fact that he was the close personal friend of Wil- liam McKinley, the newly elected president, gave him the opportunity of exercising his talents in the national field. The country rather gasped when, in 1897, Judge Day was called to Washington as first assistant sec- retary of state—a position which, because of the feebleness of the nominal Secretary, John
ARE OFFICE WORKERS TAKING UP MANUAL LABORY This photograph was taken ina Y. M.C. A. school in which office workers are being taught tile and brick laying, carpentry, and other manual trades. clerks and other office workers is responsible for the increased interest in the higher
The low wages of
paid manual trades
Sherman, really signified the actual headship of this most important department. What qualifications did this “country lawyer” possess for such a difficult post? What did he know of foreign policies, international af- fairs, and the pressing problems then facing the department? Hardly had Judge Day reached Washington when the United States found itself at war with Spain. Judge Day, as acting secretary, had on his hands the greatest diplomatic crisis since the Civil War, for, in addition to the troubles with Spain, there was the constant threat of a Euro- pean coalition against this country. Here certainly the “country lawyer’ had the chance of showing his statesmanship, or his lack of it. The fact is that Judge Day made one of the greatest reputations of the Spanish American War. Without a flaw he piloted the country through that crisis and through the peace negotiations that followed it. “Dav,” remarked President Mckinley, “never made a single mistake’’; and this likewise represented the judgment of the Na- tion. In his subsequent career on the bench he manifested the same qualities of high in- tellect and high purpose, and died one of the most honored citizens of his country.

The World’s Work
THE LATE WILLIAM RUFUS DAY Secretary of State under President McKinley, chairman of the U. S. Peace Commissioners who negotiated the Treaty of Paris at the close of the war with Spain, and associate justice of the Supreme Court of the United
States from 1903 until his recent death
The phenomenon is not an isolated one in American life. The fact that men, hitherto obscure, who are suddenly and accidentally lifted to high place so frequently accomplish their task with distinction makes one won- der how great is the multitude of unused talents in the country to-day. It raises the deeper question whether democracy really utilizes or wastes its finest material, and whether it actually does possess the boasted power of bringing its natural leaders to the front. Perhaps it doesn’t do this in ordinary times, yet the fact is that whenever there is important work to be done in this country the man invariably appears who can do it. For- eign critics who find much that is unlovely in our public life overlook the really determining fact, and that is America’s mighty reserve power in men. The mayors, the governors, the congressmen, and the senators who super- ficially seem to be dominating events do not invariably do so. In the daily routine they perhaps hold the centre of the stage; at crises, however, whenever great things are to. be
done, they disappear as influential forces, and the men of capacity and public purpose obtain control. The.citizenship of this coun- try is a great reservoir of talent and character; whenever the Nation needs a leader it can usually find him, and in this lies the explana- tion of our success in the past and our hope for the future.
The Late John M. Siddall
EW editors of American magazines have achieved such success as came to the late John M. Siddall, whose recent
death, under distressing and heroic circum- stances, has focussed widespread attention upon certain remarkable aspects of his career. The most important service that can be ren- dered by an editor to his publication is to cause it to be read. That is the reason why it is published. This does not necessarily mean that the only successful editor is the one who secures millions of readers. The accomplish- ment of Mr. Ellery Sedgwick, in increasing the circulation of The Atlantic Monthiv from 10,000 to considerably more than 100,000, is guite as remarkable as that of Mr. Siddall, in pushing the circulation of The American Magazine from 400,000 to nearly 2,000,000. The successful editor is the one who supplies the periodical wants of a certain well defined segment of our population, and who does this so skillfully that he succeeds in drawing within the fold all the accessible units in that public. Judged by this standard “Sid” was one of the most successful practitioners of his art. He apparently had an unfailing instinct for the kind of thing his particular public desired.
Much emphasis has been laid upon his con- stant sounding of the personal appeal, and of his insistence on the helpful and cheerful aspects of existence. He hated muckrakers with a sleepless hatred. This is especially remarkable—and perhaps especially signifi- cant—for Mr. Siddall began his career as a muckraker himself. His first magazine as- sociation was with the old McClure’s; he helped Miss Ida M. Tarbell collect the mater- ial which she embodied in her history of the Standard Oil Company—the book chiefly responsible for the avalanche of destructive anti-business and anti-corporation writing that was the distinctive feature of magazine literature fifteen and twenty years ago. Mr.




Siddall’s conception of the magazine as the preacher of optimism, as the text book of suc- cess, and as the builder of material and moral efficiency was therefore not spontaneous; it was an evolution. Probably the real fact is that he himself merely evolved with the times, and that in itself is an indispensable editorial quality. The red muckraking school served its purpose in the creation of a healthy public sentiment in this country. It represented in journalism the same thing that Roosevelt represented in statesmanship. But, as is the case with most successful developments, it fell into abuse at the hands of charlatans and mere profit-seeking sensationalists. Mr. Sid- dall was wise in seeing that the public had reached a point when it preferred to observe its virtues rather than its vices, to build up rather than to tear down, and on this dis- covery he constructed one of the most success- ful editorial careers of his time.
Fiftieth Birthday of the Typewriter
such a magazine as the WorLp’s Work would have been laboriously written in long-hand; to-day almost every word of it, and almost every word employed in business correspondence or intended for the printing press is typewritten. The germ of this enor- mously important mechanical development, which, with the exception of the telephone, has done more than anything else to put the external stamp on modern business, orig- inated with a man whose name is popu- larly almost unknown—Christopher Latham Sholes, a printer and publisher of Milwaukee. To celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of Sholes’s first successful typewriter, the Herki- mer County Historical Society of Herkimer, New York, has recently issued a booklet on “The Story of the Typewriter,” which con- tains some absorbingly interesting material. There had been attempts at mechanical writing long before Sholes’s day. Henry Mill, an English engineer, took out a patent in 1714, for ‘“‘an artificial machine or method for the impressing or transcribing of letters singly or progressively, one after another, as in writing, whereby all writing whatsoever may be en- grossed in paper or parchment so neat and exact as not to be distinguished from print.” But although Mill claimed that he had “lately invented and brought to perfection”
| N 1873 every scrap of copy that went into
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THE LATE JOHN SIDDALL Whose success as editor of the American Magazine was
recently brought to a close by his tragic death. Under his control the American rose from a magazine of medi- ocre reputation to be the leader of its particular field
this remarkable machine, no model of it was preserved. The first American patent was granted to William A. Burt in 1829. Other patents were Charles Thurber’s in 1843 and 1845, Oliver T. Eddy’s in 1850, and A. Ely Beach in 1856. The ’fifties and ’sixties yielded a number of other writing machines, all of which failed because they were too slow. It remained for Christopher Sholes to provide the element of speed.
Sholes, in company with Carlos Glidden and Samuel W. Soulé, began work on a writing machine in the spring or summer of 1867, on the immediate suggestion of an article in the Scientific American quoting from a London periodical an account of John Pratt’s “ Ptero- type’”’—an early machine as clumsy as its name. As none of the three men was a ma- chinist, they enlisted Matthias Schwalbach from a near-by machine shop to assist them. The first machine was completed in the fall of 1867 and the first patent taken out in June, 1868. There followed, for Sholes, a series of heart-breaking years such as seems to be the
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THE FIRST TYPEWRITER Or, at least, the typewriter now in the National Museum in Washington and on which, fifty-five years ago, the patent was granted. This machine, while preceded by a number of others, was the first really to be capable of speed. It was the invention of C. L. Sholes
raed ye
purgatory of most great inventors. James Densmore, a_ two-fisted business man of Meadville, Pennsylvania, furnished the com- mercial and temperamental ‘“‘ push” without which the enterprise would hardly have been kept going through the lean period. For six years Sholes made model after model, twenty- five or thirty in all, each revealing some defect which had to be remedied. Even at the end he was not sure of the value of his inven- tion. “You know my apprehension is that the thing may take for a while,” he wrote in June, 1872, “and for a while there may be an active demand for them, but that, like any other novelty, it will have its brief day and be thrown aside. Of course | earnestly hope that such will not be the case, and Densmore laughs at the idea when | suggest it, but | should like to be sure that it would be other- wise.’ This same fear was entertained about the automobile; and the telephone, when first introduced, was described as a “‘pretty electric toy” that would soon lose its novelty.
The commercial history of the typewriter began in March, 1873, when Densmore per- suaded the firm of E. Remington and Son at Ilion, New York, to buy the manufacturing rights. With this stage Sholes’s direct con- nection with the enterprise ended, although he ‘‘continued active in the invention of type- writer improvements during the greater part of his remaining days.” “Sholes, either at
this time or shortly after,”’ according to “‘ The Story of the Typewriter,” ‘is said to have sold out his royalty rights to Densmore for $12,000, a goodly sum in those days, but the only reward, so far as we know, that he ever received for his priceless invention and the years of labor he had bestowed upon it.” Sholes died in Milwaukee in 1890, after years of ill health.
The labor of perfecting the new machine fell largely upon William K. Jenne, who be- came superintendent of the Remington type- writer shop. It was a long and trying task. But with the Remington model No. 1, which was put on the market fifty years ago this fall, the principal characteristics of the modern typewriter were fixed. “It had the step-by- step escapement mechanism which caused the letter-spacing travel of the paper carriage. It had type bars on which type was mounted which printed at a common centre. It fed the paper around a cylinder on the paper car- riage. It was equipped with a line spacing and carriage return mechanism. It printed through a ribbon, which traveled across the printing point with the movement of the car- riage. It had the standard number of print- ing keys, placed in four rows, and the char- acters on these keys, and the corresponding type bars, followed the arrangement now known as ‘universal.’ To these fundamental features the Model 2 Remington of 1878 added the shift-key mechanism, with two types mounted on a single bar.” .
The machine’s commercial progress was slower than its mechanical improvement, and it was a decade or more before it came into anything like extensive use. In this respect it differed from the telephone, with which it competed rather unsuccessfully for honors at the Philadelphia Centennial in 1876.
Sholes was a gentle, lovable, and modest man who in later years “ remarked to a friend that he had been trying all his life to escape becoming a millionaire and thought he had succeeded admirably.”” He gave his own opinion of the most important aspect of his work in a conversation shortly before his death: “I do feel that | have done something for the women who have always had to work so hard.” It might not be difficult, in fact, to trace a connection between the in- creasing freedom of woman and those twin inventions which she has so largely taken over —the typewriter and the telephone.


New York in ihe Year 2000—29,000,000 Population?

HE Committee on Plan of New York and Its Environs, a civic body which has undertaken a regional survey of the
metropolitan area, has recently published an
astounding estimate of probable population growth in the “ New York region” during the next eighty years. The area selected for this study, which was made by Professors Ray- mond Pearl and Lowell J. Reed of Johns Hop- kins University, include not only the territory now known and governed as Greater New
York, but also adjacent districts in New York
state, Connecticut, and New Jersey which are
well within the clearly defined “commuting zone.” This area has a present population of eight or nine million, ar.d Professors Reed
and Pearl predict that it will have 11,500,000
iN 1930; 14,100,000 in 1940; 16,800,000 in
1950, and so on until it reaches 28,800,000 in
the year 2000. Greater New York will then
number 18,000,000 souls—if human beings under such pressure still possess souls.





























n LOWER BROADWAY, NEW YORK
a The recently announced prophecy concerning New . York’s population in the near future has caused much comment concerning the desirability, or otherwise, of Tr
building up a city of 29,000,000 population, which the city planners expect within eighty years



The March of Events


WILL NEW
YORK ULTIMATELY THIS.
If, as is expected by those who have studied New York’s growth, the city continues enlarging and quad- ruples its present population it may be filled with buildings such as the ones suggested by this drawing. his idea has resulted from an architect’s study of the tendencies and laws that will govern future construction
LOOK LIKE
Apparently these predictions were as care- fully worked out as any could be with the data now at hand. Professors Pearl and Reed have developed a formula “which is believed to express the fundamental law of normal population growth,” although they concede the existence of “disturbing factors in population trends.’’ They even venture to compute the probable number of the foreign- born eighty years from now, and also the probable number of Negroes.
Surveys such as this are of the utmost im- portance in so far as they lend aid to practical plans for meeting coming problems. The programme of the Committee on Plan is in every way admirable. Yet for accuracy’s sake these predictions should be regarded as precisely what they are—guesses based on the best available information, but still guesses. To map out accurately the future progress of New York City one must suppose that existing tendencies will persist. One
must assume a stable, or a consistently rising



466

or falling birthrate. One must assume a stability of industrial and commercial condi- tions which is by no means warranted. Greater New York is primarily the resultant of a certain industrial technique. An altera- tion in this technique might put a stop to the city’s growth, or even reduce its population.
It is by no means certain that the era of intense congestion is not approaching a close. Or it may be that while the growth of urban populations will continue, the growth of the half-dozen plethoric great cities has nearly reached a limit. Even in New York State the percentage of increase is considerably greater in urban territory outside the metro- politan area than in the greater city itself. The next competition may be between the smaller city—let us say the city of 200,000 or less—and the greater, rather than between city and country. At almost any moment an invention or series of inventions, affecting manufacture or transportation, may make the larger community hopelessly inefficient. In other words its overhead may become too heavy to be carried profitably. Regional electric power centres might, for example, bring about this result.
“In the great movement of humanity here and there across the continent,’ writes Wil- liam Rossiter in his census monograph on “Increase of Population: 1910-1920,” “ there are likely to appear relatively less and less violent population changes as settlement and development of natural resources tends to become complete; hence, succeeding censuse no doubt will reflect a slowing down of the urban movement.’”’ Urban territories, in fact, must rely more upon natural increase and less upon immigration or migration from rural districts. These and other factors, together with the possible cultivation of a certain degree of common sense about such matters may prevent the creation of the appalling community of 29,000,000 people for which the Committee on Plan of New York and Its Environs is so heroically preparing.
A Decade of Workmen’s Compensation
NE need not be very old to remember
when workmen’s compensation was a
radical’s dream, and American courts
were solemnly and conscientiously upholding the “fellow servant”’ doctrine and the rule of with
contributory negligence, the result

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of denying all relief to injured workers in dangerous industries.
“There is a tendency,’ wrote Roscoe Pound, ten years ago, “ to revive the primitive idea of liability without fault, not only in the form of wide responsibility for agencies em- ployed, but in placing upon an enterprise the burden of repairing injuries incident to the undertaking without fault of him who con- ducts it. What Dean Ames called ‘the un- moral standard of acting at one’s peril’ is coming back into the law in the form of em- ployer’s liability and workmen’s compensa- tion. There is a strong and growing ten- dency, where there is no blame on either side, to ask. in view of the exigencies of social jus- tice, who can best bear the loss.”’
But it has taken a decade to work out a satisfactory answer to this question, and many more vears will be required, in all probability, before the problems of waiting time, amount of compensation, state versus private insurance, and so forth, will be dis- posed of with anything like justice and preci- sion. A common, and apparently well- founded cause of complaint at present is that the waiting time is too long, so that the em- ployee receives nothing for minor injuries, even though they cost him as much as two weeks’ wages, and also that the scale of com- pensation does not provide adequately for permanent disablement. Another difficulty is to decide between a state monopoly of insurance and competitive public and private insurance. The advantages of a govern- mental monopoly are obvious; so, also, until state civil service can be brought to a higher level of efficiency, are its disadvantages.
In New York State, which is in many ways representative, the waiting period is two weeks, except in cases of permanent dis- ability; the minimum sum paid is $8 and the maximum $20 weekly; and the maximum death benefit is $83.33 monthly. During the nine-vear period since the enactment of the law, according to a report by the State In- dustrial Commissioner, Bernard L. Shientag, the total sum of $125,000,000 has been paid to 400,000 claimants—an average of a little over $300 each. At first, claims for compensation were about 35,000 a year; now they are about 60,000. As there are 300,000 industrial ac- cidents in the state annually it appears that only one in five is compensated. In addition there are many accidents which are never re-


The March of Events
ported. The death list alone is 1,300 an- nually. In 1922 the benefits actually paid were $15,000,000, and the estimated economic loss amounted to about $100,000,000.
Commissioner Shientag, like most students of the problem, is in favor of shortening the waiting period. He points out that few, if any, employers would now care to return to “the old technical, unjust, inhuman, un- civilized method of common law negligence actions for industrial accidents.” But even more important is the reduction of the total number of accidents, which will not only save a vast amount of human suffering, but will also lower insurance rates and in other ways diminish the cost to the employer. Of the vast annual total of 300,000 accidents Mr. Shientag believes that at least half can be prevented. Safety appliances are in general use, yet negligence on the employer’s as well as the employee’s part is far toocommon. To drive home this fact and promote a more energetic safety-first campaign, a committee, including representatives of employers, or- ganized labor, and a number of civic organiza- tions was appointed late in July.
Workmen’s compensation is pernaps the best illustration there is of the practical ac- ceptance of the doctrine of social responsi- bility. It trenches on individualism frankly and extensively for the common good. The principle is developing rapidly and its future manifestations will be worth watching.
An Equal Rights Amendment
[es twentieth amendment to the Federal Constitution, if the National Woman’s Party carries out its pur-
poses as announced at the celebration of the
seventy-fifth anniversary of the first equal rights convention at Seneca Falls, New York, will read as follows: “Men and women shall have equal rights throughout the United
States and every place within its jurisdiction.”
“The amendment as drawn has one great
advantage when we have to deal with poli-
ticians,” said Miss Alice Paul, in introducing it to the conference, “It is so simple that they cannot say, “We are for it in principle but we are against a certain word in the tenth para- graph.’ It forces everybody to take a stand on the direct point of equal rights.”’
Yet there is an aspect of this amendment which has caused misgivings among those




ALICE PAUL For eleven years an officer of the National Woman’s Party and its predecessors and recently sponsor of a resolution demanding absolute equality of women and men before the law
who are most willing to assent to its principle. This is the possibility that it would not only remove the remaining legal discriminations against women, but would also lead the courts to hold invalid legislation specially designed to protect woman workers. The “rights” of woman may be held to include the right to work more than eight hours, or to do night work, or to accept insufficient wages, even where there now exists state legislation deny- ing these “rights.’”’ The question is whether the Woman’s Party is not throwing away the substance in its effort to secure the shadow. At least this is a point which ought to be com- pletely cleared up early in the campaign.
It is apparent to the most casual observa- tion that despite equal suffrage women have not yet won the “equal rights” for which they made their first demand in 1848. Though they have invaded industry, commerce, and the professions they are still shut off, as a rule, from the higher opportunities, and their wages and salaries are almost without exception lower than those paid men doing similar work. This may be due in part to the belief of .em- ployers that women are not as competent as



men, but the rule holds in most occupations regardless of the quality or quantity of the work done. Apparently it can be broken down only by a process of education. In this struggle the constitutional amendment can- not help and“ffight hurt.
After all, men are men and women are women: laws based upon this fundamental fact cannot be assailed on the ground that they recognize distinctions in sex. Evidently men cannot qualify for mothers’ pensions, and laws passed in the interest of maternity necessarily can apply to only one sex. Yet such laws are entirely proper—in no sense can they be regarded as tyrannous. Differences in physiology furnish valid grounds for legislative relief, and cannot be regarded as backward. Certain jurists have asserted that this proposed amendment would wipe all such laws off the books. If so, it is difficult to see how women can seriously advocate it.
American Philanthropy in London
HE International Health Board has recently given another striking illus- tration of the way in which America seeks to benefit the world, and has done it in a city where the example can give the most resounding emphasis. This comprehensive organization is making a particular point of increasing facilities for the extension of public hygiene. It has already established or as- sisted schools at Harvard, Johns Hopkins, and other places whose business it will be to train not doctors but public health officers. This profession of guarding the sanitary con- ditions of communities, in preventing rather than in curing disease, is already an import- ant one, but its importance is increasing every year. It is not unlikely that, a generation hence, the sanitarian will be a more impor- tant element in the general well-being of the nation than the physician or the surgeon. Great Britain has made excellent progress in this work; her health services are unusually

The World’s Work
efficient and her health records among the most complete in the world. England, how- ever, lacks a great school of public health for the training of sanitarians and in 1921 the British University of Health called the atten- tion of the International Health Board to this deficiency. The negotiations that followed resulted in a gift of $2,000,000 for building and equipping a school of Public Hygiene in London. A site has already been purchased in Gower Street, near the British Museum and the building, when finished and equipped, will be maintained by the British Govern- ment. It will influence health conditions, not only in Great Britain, but in the whole British empire and in Europe generally.
A Letter From The New Republic
Editor Wor.tp’s Work Dear Sir:
On page 245 of your July issue you say, referring to the International Court of Justice that ‘‘the advanced weeklies, the New Re- public, the Nation, the Survey and others of less importance are crying fiercely on its heels.”
In so far as the New Republic is concerned this statement is entirely without foundation and | cannot imagine what basis you can have supposed yourself to have for making it. Inits issue of April 18, page 201, the New Republic in an editorial entitled ‘“‘An Interna- tional Program for the American People” endorsed a proposal that ‘“‘the President and the Senate coéperate in an attempt to secure an international court of justice with ob- ligatory and comprehensive jurisdiction but without the sanction of force.” The New Re- public has published nothing of an editorial character in any subsequent issue which is in any way incompatible with this declaration; and it has certainly published nothing which justifies the statement in your editorial re- ference.
Sincerely, Bruce BLIVEN




The War in the Churches
The Great Split in the Protestant Denominations, Over the Issue of Fundamentalism
By ROLLIN LYNDE HARTT
NLY the other Sunday, in his great stone church a_ block from Broadway, a distinguished clergyman, Dr. Frank Good- child, described the impending
return of Christ.
He will return twice, we were told. When first He returns, the righteous, with lustrous bodies shining like light, will be caught up to meet Him in the air, and next morning the papers will report innumerable strange dis- appearances—for instance, how a traveller, on reaching home, found that his devoted wife had vanished unaccountably, or how mother and daughter were sitting together in a room and talking, when suddenly the mother was snatched away. The following Sunday, congregations will be cut in half, all the best people missing.
Then wickedness will rage for seven years, after which Christ will return again, with His church, to bring such terror as this world has never known. The clergyman pictured a stock exchange in time of panic, pictured the Johnstown flood, pictured a sinking liner and said that all such scenes of consternation were nothing to what was coming.
Dr. Goodchild is a Fundamentalist. At the start of my recent three-thousand mile journey among the Fundamentalists, Dr. Jasper Massee, famous pastor of Tremont Temple in Boston, had pointed him out as thoroughly representative. Being a leader of Fundamentalists, himself, Dr. Massee should know.
Not less prominent in New York City is Dr. |. M. Haldeman, who declares that Christ will return ‘‘with garments dipped in blood, the blood of others,” and ‘‘enunciate His claim by terror and might.” He will ‘tread and trample in His fury till the blood of men shall fill the earth.”’ He ‘will come to His glory, not as the Saviour meek and lowly, but as a king, an autocrat, a despot, through the blood of a trampled world.”
Dr. Shailer Mathews, sitting at President
Harper’s old desk in the divinity school of the University of Chicago, told me that the Fundamentalists now control about a quarter of the evangelical churches in the East, about half the evangelical churches in the Middle West and South, and about three quarters of the evangelical churches in the Far West. Their own estimates run higher. ‘Nine tenths of the laity are with us,”’ they say, and everywhere the doctrine of the Second Com- ing, in one form or another, is insisted upon. In the office of his huge church in Fort Worth, Texas, Rev. J. Frank Norris explained why.
Says Norris: “If a man tells me he believes in God, | don’t know what he believes; | don’t know whether he believes in the Pantheistic view of God, or in the Deistic view of God, or in the personal God. If a man tells me he believes in the inspiration of the Scriptures, | | still don’t know what he believes; he might claim universal inspiration, and say the Bible was inspired in the same way that Shake- speare was inspired. If a man tells me that he believes in the divinity of Christ, I still don’t know what he believes: he might say he believes all men are divine.
‘“‘But when a man tells me he believes in the literal, personal, bodily, visible, imminent return of the Lord to this earth as king, | know what he believes on every other ques- tion. | know that he believes the Bible literally. | know what he believes concerning the Godhead, | know what he believes con- cerning the Virgin Birth, | know what he be- lieves concerning the Atonement, | know what he believes concerning the Resurrection. | know that he is not a modernist, and | know that he does not believe in the evolutionary hypothesis.”’
Dr. Curtis Lee Laws, editor of the Waich- man-Examiner in New York City, gave Fundamentalism its name. He defines it as merely an uprising of orthodox supernatural- ism against modern naturalism. He tells me he repudiates “fanciful” ideas of the Second Coming but seeks allies amongst those who



470
hold them. Professor J. Gresham Machen of Princeton Theological Seminary, takes the same attitude. ‘Their error, serious though it may be, is not deadly error,’’ he writes, ‘‘and Christian fellowship, with loyalty not only to the Bible but to the great creeds of the church, can still unite us with them.” On the other hand, men and institutions unwill- ing to identify themselves explicitly with the Fundamentalist Movement—or rather Move- ments, as there are at least three—make common cause with the Fundamentalists in their warfare upon modernism.
Hence a phenomenon. Billy Sunday and Bishop Manning, Dr. Arcturus Zodiac Con- rad and Mr. Bryan, Dr. Clarence Edward Macartney and Dr. Reuben Torrey, Professor Machen and Dr. W. B. Riley, Doctor Good- child and Doctor Laws, Princeton Seminary and the Moody Bible Institute (entrance requirement, “‘a common school education or its equivalent’”’) are all up in arms together, valiantly combatting modernism. In Doctor
Rollin Lynde Hartt
Pace, they have a gifted cartoonist. In Pro- fessor Carter, they have a daring satirical poet. In Alfred W. McCann, authorof ‘“‘God- or Gorilla,” they have an anti-evolutionist second to none. Their conventions drav enormous crowds. It is no longer a question whether they are going to split the churches They have split them.
During my three-thousand-mile journe along the various ecclesiastical battle-fronts | have asked how the conflict began. Doctor Bridgman, former editor of the Congregation- alist, says the World War started it—liter- alists thought the last days were approach- ing. Doctor Cotton, of the Christian Regis- ter, says that the War, with the shock it brought and the nervous overstrain it pro- duced, drove people to extremes, making liberals more liberal, reactionaries more reac- tionary. A Professor at Union Seminary says the War bred a fighting spirit that has outlived the War; also a great fear, with a craving for “something solid” and a return to


aS he i Bt a oe


THE DIVINITY SCHOOL, UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO
In theological schools, as in pulpits, there are ‘‘ Fundamentalists”’ and “‘ Liberals’’. the Fundamentalists’ strongholds—that is, the Moody Bible Institute.
In Chicago is one of the greatest 0! Dr. Shailer Mathews, President of the Uni-
versity of Chicago Divinity School, says that the Fundamentalists control about one quarter of the evangelical churches of the East, about half those of the Middle West and South, and about three quarters of those in the Far West, but
their own estimates run higher





The War in the Churches 471
“normalcy.” Professor Gilmore, of the Homiletic Review, believes Fundamentalism a consequence of reports by army chaplains. He got down “As Tommy Sees Us: A Book for Church Folks” by Rev. A. Herbert Gray. Opening at random, | read: ,
‘«T still find among some of the very best of our young men indi- viduals who think that before join- ing the church they must assent to all the intricate dogmas that centuries of thought and contro- versy have gathered round the Christian religion. Though no man has ever understood them, they think they must assent to the baffling statements which out- line the doctrine of the Trinity. Some think they must hold some doctrine of the Atonement, and promptly lose their way among the innumerable views of the Atonement which have been held by good and able men. A few believe that a doctrine of eternal punishment is an essential part of the Christian faith; and at that they turn away. What I! am pleading for is that the church shall offer men a clear and sim- ple presentation of the religion of Jesus divorced from all theo- logical subtleties.”’
Not unnaturally, readers of “As Tommy Sees Us” asked, “‘In that case, where goes orthodoxy? ’’and when Amer- ica entered the War our own army chaplains reported a condition that prompted a question still more momentous—namely, ‘Where has orthodoxy already gone?”’ Professor William Adams Brown, of Union Seminary, was secre- tary of the General War-Time Commission of the Churches. He has since published ‘‘The Church in America,”’ which thus describes the doughboy’s religion:
“God was a power controlling destiny, to whom one prayed, but His character was ill- defined, and He could almost as easily be identified with the fatalistic God of Moham- med as with the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ. Prayer was instinctive and chiefly for personal and private matters. Christ was a vague, ideal figure, not the

A CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND
New England three hundred years ago was unquestionably solidly **Fundamentalist.”’
But now the entire East is strongly ‘Liberal’
personal Savior of traditional religion. The sense of personal sin was conspicuous by its absence. God was Companion and Protector not Judge or Saviour. The Bible was carried even when it was not read, but there was little evidence of intelligent or sympathetic ac- quaintance with its contents.”
Such revelations, thinks Professor Gilmore, were what started the Fundamentalist Move- ment. All of a sudden, orthodox clergymen recognized that the great historic creeds were losing their hold upon the modern mind, if, indeed, they had not already lost it, and the reasons seemed clear. The modern interpre- tation of the Bible was to blame, thought the orthodox. The evolutionary hypothesis was to blame. A half century of progress was to blame. Liberal preaching was to blame. As



472
Mod- It must be rooted out of the colleges. It must be rooted out of the pulpits. It must be replaced, not with the mild orthodoxy it had so extensively over- thrown, but with an orthodoxy much more
clear, meanwhile, seemed the remedy. ernism must go.
dogmatic. And the thing must be done at once. When necessary, it must be done by force.
Doctor Shailer Mathews sees in Funda- mentalism a natural reaction that would have occurred sooner or later, war or no war. ‘Push a piston far enough one way,” he says, ‘“‘and that piston will come back.” It is coming back at Doctor Shailer Mathews with a vengeance; every little while his spirited fel- low-townsman, Dean Gray, pillories him as an ‘“‘apostate” and an “‘infidel.”’
But Fundamentalism is not merely a reac- tion. It is also the culmination of a tendency that has been slowly gathering strength for at least thirty years. Time was—not so very long ago, either—when Dean Gray and the Moody Bible Institute appeared anything but formidable. To-day the Institute has twenty- eight buildings. It has a thousand students. Its correspondence department enrolls ten thousand more. It prints a monthly maga- zine. Its colportage association distributes ultra-orthodox books by the million. Far and wide go its graduates, and the distin- guished Fundamentalist leader, Doctor Jas- per Massee, declares, ‘‘In my judgment, the constituency that has gone out from the Moody Bible Institute during the last ten years has saved the evangelical churches of this country.” In Los Angeles, another great Bible Institute—Dr. Reuben Torrey’s— exerts an influence as powerful. Still another flourishes in Boston. There are many be- sides. One and all, they proclaim the “literal, personal, bodily, visible, imminent” return of Christ.
A book “Jesus Is Coming” by the venerable W. E. Blackstone, appeared in 1808. It argues that the last days are upon us. All signs prove it, affirms the author. After quoting Daniel—‘“‘ shut up the words and seai the book even to the time of the end: many shall run to and fro and knowledge shall be increased,”” he observes, “A comparison of recent years with the present shows a most marvellous increase in both travel and know- ledge.”” Again, he quotes James—‘Go to, now, ye rich men ve have heaped

Rollin Lynde Hartt
treasures together for the last days’’—and says, “The accumulation of riches in the hands of a few men is specially characteristic of the present time.” Still again, he quotes Amos on the restoration of Israel, and concludes, “Now, if Isreal is beginning to show signs of national life and is actually returning to Palestine, then surely the end of this dispensation is nigh even at the doors.”
Writing of Blackstone’s volume, Dean Gray says, “ To the Christian just awakened to the truth of Christ’s second coming | always recommend the book.” The celebrated Fun- damentalist, Doctor Munhall, says, “| hope it will reach the end of the earth for the great good it will do.” Doctor Reuben Torrey says, “| hope it may be as blessed to others as it has been to me.” President John Willis Baer says, “| believe a prayerful and thought- ful reader will get much blessing in reading it.” Robert E. Speer says, “Il remember very well when | first saw the book Jesus Is Coming at Northfield, twenty years ago, and how | studied it then. That summer was the first time the truth of our Lord’s return came to me, and | am very thankful for the thor- ough references to scripture, for the better understanding of that truth and the firmer faith in it which that little book gave me.” Such testimonials have not been fruitless. The book is now in its two-hundred-and-six- tieth thousand.
Doctor W. B. Riley, president of the Inter- denominational Fundamentals Association has for years proclaimed the Second Coming. “No longer shall this precious truth be left to the erratic and irresponsible!”’ he declares. “Through the lips of sane men and by the pens of the most scholarly the Church of God knows and by the lives of the most saintly, this gospel of the kingdom shall be preached in all the world.” For years he has figured impressively at “prophetic conferences.” City after city has had them. A prophetic conference attracts such crowds that thou- sands, eager to hear about the Second Com- ing, have to be turned away.
In his suite at the Watterson, in Louisville, Rev. W. A. (Billy) Sunday told me that “every man who has been used of God for the saving of souls’’ has believed in the imminent
return of Christ and preached it. He named Moody. He named Finney. He named a dozen more—‘“premillennarians’” all. No
matter how transitory may be the results of







The War in the Churches
revivalism in other respects, they are per- manent in this.
The doctrine presupposed an inerrant Bible, a Bible literally inspired, a Bible equally authoritative throughout. Blandly the liber-
als have assumed that “in our day” this “Seventeenth Century idea of the Bible” has It is still the A year or so
been outgrown. It has not. average church-member’s idea. ago, Guy Viskniskki, of the Republic Syn- dicate, opened the New York Times one Sunday, noticed a pic- ture of Mr. Bryan’s immense outdoor Bi- ble Class at Miami, Florida, and wrote at onceto Bryan. In con- sequence, a hundred and ten newspapers now publish the Bryan Bible Talks. They reach between twenty and twenty-five mil- lion people, and enthu- siastic, everywhere, is the response.
Do the liberals know this? Evidently the liberals do not. The other evening, in an apartment looking out across the Gothic quadrangle of a fa- mous theological sem- inary, a distinguished liberal spoke of Fund- amentalism as at once a lost cause anda tribute to the strength of liberalism. “We are winning,” he said, and so it appears—to dwellers in apart- ments looking out across the Gothic quad- rangle of famous theological seminaries. They have won the colleges—mainly. They have won the divinity schools—largely. They have won the educated ministers—partly. In church councils attended by an elite, they generally triumph. They lead many leaders; but the great mass of the people—where are they? What the liberals disregard is the huge and long-exerted influence of aged clergymen, of Princeton Seminary and its orthodox congeners, of the Sunday School

REV. J. FRANK NORRIS One of the leading ‘“‘Fundamentalists’’ who has an- nounced in a headline printed in red in his paper, pub- lished in Ft. Worth, Texas, that ‘War is declared— Second Coming of Christ is Issue!”’
473
Times, of prophetic conferences, of tracts, of cartooning, of the book now in its two- hundred-and-sixtieth thousand, of Billy Sun- day, of the Northfield - gatherings, .of . Bible Institutes (entrance requirement, “a common school education, or its equivalent’’), and of a pietism which, though supposedly moribund, has crusaded against evolution in seven states, terrorized numerous universities, inspired a nation-wide uprising against modernism, and made William Jen- nings Bryan the most influential preacher on earth, for so he is.
Dr. Albert C. Dief- fenbach, fearless editor of the Christian Regi- ster, was the first to see a menace in Funda- mentalism. He acted. Recognizing the gen- eral composure among liberals, he acted with vigor—as he tells me, “ate raw meat, got red- eyed, and went at it.” In “The Madness of the Second Coming,” he called Fundamen- talism ‘‘a religious Ku Klux” and a “creed of * force’’ whose propo- nents have “‘circulated more tracts, pamph- lets, sermons, and books than the total output of all the de- nominational publish- ing houses.” A South- ern Methodist, Bishop Edwin D. Mouzon, expressed himself as boldly regarding the Fundamentalist belief in the Second Coming. Saidhe, “Every great war has brought about a revival of premillennian- ism, but modern premillennianism is the worst form of the doctrine that has ever been seen.”
As a rule, however, the liberals console themselves by underestimating the enemy’s strength. The enemy “lacks brains,” they say, and it was noticeable that the letters written to Doctor Percy Stickney Grant on wrapping paper or on pages torn from note- books quite uniformly condemned him. But

Rollin Lynde Hartt
stationery is not everything. The worse the stationery the more impressive the numbers.
Then, too, its opponents describe Funda- mentalism as “an old gentleman’s movement which will die out as the old gentlemen die off.’”’ But, while Doctor Gray is seventy-two and Doctor Munhall eighty, and while Mr. Bryan, Rev. W. A. Sunday, and Doctors Rily, Conrad, Goodchild, and Torrey have passed sixty, Doctors Massee and Laws are still in the fifties, Doctor Straton is forty- eight, Rev. J. Frank Norris forty-five, Doctor Macartney forty-three, and Professor Machen was a classmate of Doctor Macartney’s at Princeton.
Moreover, | keep hearing that the Funda- mentalist notables are “men born and edu- cated in the South.” Of Rev. J. Frank Norris, and Doctors Massee and Laws, this is true. But Doctors Massee and Laws are both Northerners now, and Fort Worth, where Rev. J. Frank Norris spends half his time, is not a Southern City. It is Western. Doctor Riley, born in Indiana, is said to have got his idea of the Second Coming at the great Southern Baptist Seminary in Louis- ville. The Seminary denies that any such
idea was ever taught there, and Doctor Riley
now heads a Bible Institute in Indianapolis.
Still again, | hear that the Fundamentalist Movement “lacks a leader,’ and so it does —at present. Fundamentalism has only started. No one man started it. It is a result of simultaneous uprisings all over the country. Organization, with accredited lead- ership, will come later. Potential leaders abound, and among them the strongest, shrewdest, and most romantically adventur- ous is J. Frank Norris, of Fort Worth, Texas.
In Fort Worth, opinion regarding Norris is divided. One faction says he “totes a gun,” the other says he “totes two guns.”” Several years ago his enemies got him tried “for burn- ing up his church.” He was acquitted. Later on, a mass-meeting ordered him out of town. Legend recounts that he and his merry men prepared to defend themselves with a machine-gun. | asked him about that. “No,” he replied, “all we had was sawed-off shot-guns.”’
Though a fellow-clergyman still remarks that “ Bill Hart has nothing on Frank,” things are quieter now. Many of “Frank’s” former foes adore him, as does half the community. Buildings covering a block and more attest his
success, and his auditorium, when alteration are complete, will hold six thousand applau- sive adherents, with a choir of seven hundred The tower is to be surmounted by a battleship searchlight visible for thirty-two miles.
Recently his paper—circulation 55,000 (| saw the affidavit)—proclaimed in red head- lines, “WAR IS DECLARED—SECONI) COMING OF CHRIST IS ISSUE!” Nailed to the door of his church, meanwhile, was « huge poster announcing his “World Conven- tion of Fundamentalists.” The array of celebrated speakers included William Jennings Bryan.
Prince of crowd-gatherers, paragon of ad- vertisers, and a sensationalist of the first order, Norris has created a new profession, that of the church-efficiency expert, and is its most brilliant practitioner. Heralded as “the Texas cyclone,” he will enter any city you choose to name, lay hold to some dodder- ing, dead-and-alive downtown church, draw crowds into it, galvanize them, get the glori- ously revivified institution financed, and erect a living, lasting monument to his abilities. After witnessing his performance in Cleveland, Dr. W. W. Bustard declared that in the ser- vice of a business corporation Norris’s genius would be worth $50,000 a year. He under- stated the case.
It is true that Norris’s belief in “the literal, personal, bodily, visible, imminent return of the Lord to this earth as King”? somewhat limits his leadership. It is “fanciful” as Doctor Laws would say. According to Pro- fessor Machen, it is an “error.” According to many, it is destructive of civic conscience and of all humanitarianism. President Faunce emphasized this in Providence. He said, “Such people have no patriotism, no interest in public affairs, no desire to make the world better; they just wait for the King to come.” '
Frequently their own literature gives that impression. Says the Christian Workers’ Magazine, “Democracy (self-government) is the antithesis of autocracy—God’s ideal of government.” “‘We may say we need a democ- racy,” writes Doctor Torrey; “what we need is an emperor—Kaiser Jesus.” Doctor Brooks, discussing the principles underlying democracy, tells us, ““ Man has no inalienable right except the right to be damned.”’ Among such thinkers the movement for world peace wins no approval. “All our present peace

The War
plans will end in the most awful wars this old world ever saw,” says Doctor Torrey, and when the recent conflict was raging he confessed, “ The darker the night gets, the lighter my heart gets.” The author of ‘“‘Behold the Morn- ing’ cheerfully despairs of human- ity altogether. “The entire race will be insane in a few centuries,” he predicts.
Conspicuous on a front table in a famous Fifth Avenue bookshop in New York, is the recently pub- lished volume, “‘Satan: His Per- sonality, Power, and Overthrow,” by Dr. Edward M. Bounds. Loud- ly Doctor Bounds condemns the “taking, man-savouring, Satanic” idea that “the main object of the church to-day is not so much to save individuals out of society as to save society.”’ Continuing, he declares, “This popular, seduc- tive, and deadly fallacy entirely subverts the very foundation of Christ’s church.” He especially abhors the “modern church with its kitchen and parlor, with its club and lyceum, and with its ministries to the flesh and to the world. The church cannot con- federate with non-spiritual agen- cies. She cannot be the purveyor to unsanctified desires. Neither is it her province to fall down to the beggarly task of entertain- ing the people.”’
No such dreadful doctrines as the foregoing affect Rev. J. Frank Norris. After starring enthusiastically in two Prohibition fights, he gave John Barleycorn a funeral a mile long. “As by-products,’’ he prizes all the “Satanic’”’ agencies condemned by Dr. Bounds. His church is an institutional church, magnificently equipped.
But it little matters who will lead the Fundamentalist Movement. The important question is, Whither will the Fundamentalist Movement be led? Talking with President Faunce at Brown University, I said, “We already have two hundred and two denomina- tions. Are we going to have four hundred and four?” He answered, ‘““Why not two— one Liberal, the other Fundamentalist?”
in the Churches

: ~ ee © Underwood & Underwood
A CHAPEL IN WASHINGTON
The fight between the “ Liberals” and the “ Fundamentalists’’ has not
affected the Catholic church, but the Episcopalian Church, no less than
the other Protestant denominations, feels the strain of the war between
those who accept the Bible literally and those who do not.
‘Liberal’? Episcopalian Minister all but dared a bishop to punish him for his liberal views, and the bishop did not accept the challenge
Recently a
That a great schism is inevitable the Funda-
mentalists and their alliés fully believe. De- clares the Presbyterian, “Rationalism and Evangelicism are antagonists that can never be reconciled; it is vain to try to plaster up a union between them.”’ Similarly, Professor Machen, in “Christianity and Liberalism,” remarks “The plain fact is that Liberalism, whether true or false, is no mere ‘heresy’— no mere divergence at isolated points from Christian teaching. Modern Liber- alism is not only a different religion from Christianity but belongs to a totally different group of religions. The Church of Rome may be a perversion of the Christian

476
religion, but naturalistic liberalism is not Christianity at all.”’
Doctor Macartney, chief opponent of Dr. Harry Emerson Fosdick, asserts, “Neither the cry of ‘heresy-hunting’ nor that other cry of ‘dividing the church’ will intimidate those who press for what they regard as a righteous cause. There is no occasion of hunting for heresy, for heresy-is everywhere hunting the church; and as for dividing the church, one might with as good reason have charged the Government of the United States with divid- ing the nation in the Civil War.”
In conversation, Doctor Macartney speaks of Doctor Fosdick with entire respect. Doc- ter Fosdick speaks as respectfully of his as- sailant. Each understands the other. At the University of Chicago, Doctor Shailer Mathews says, “We are trying to carry this
thing through in such a spirit that when it is *
all over there will be no hard feelings.”
Among Fundamentalists, however, a dif- ferent mood predominates. Cries Professor Machen, “Why should we be indignant about slanders directed against a human friend while at the same time we are patient about the basest slanders against our God?” As hotly the Western Recorder exclaims, “We are in the midst of the most subtle and far-reach- ing apostasy of the ages!” After affirming that “the apostasy now witnessed on every hand was foretold by the New Testament prophets,” the Moody Bible Institute Monthly observes, “As to the source of this apostasy, we should say that it was conceived by the Prince of the Power of the Air.” Dr. Cort- land Myers, meanwhile, indicts the Father- land. “The abomination of abominations,” he thunders, ‘“‘is that rich, rank, rampant, rotten new theology made in Germany,” and Dr. Mark Matthews denounces as angrily “that infamous virus of German theology prepared by the devil himself.”’
Coming from distinguished leaders, men of saintly lives and sometimes of profound scholarship, such words prevail. Rev. Robert Shuler of Los Angeles predicts “the formation of a mighty body of believers, the strongest and most powerful that ever shook the earth. Call them Fundamentalists or what you like, they are massing from the rivers to the ends of the earth. They are ready to break with any and all denominations when the call of God shall sound.” Rev. C. F. Koehler of Ashland, Oregon, affirms, “The coming battle will
Rollin Lynde Hartt
mean a new religious alignment, whereby either the present denominations will disap- pear and two great bodies be formed, or the evangelical Christians will withdraw from the denominations and either form a new church body or continue a wing of the original de- nomination with a new name.” In Phila- delphia, the Presbyterian says, “‘ Let the Liber- als go out from all the denominations and form an organization of their own. These ration- alists usually talk about liberty and rights. Let them use their liberty to go!” With equal earnestness Professor Machen writes, “A separation between the two parties in the church is the crying need of the hour.”
It is not the conservatives who should with- draw, he contends, and the reason, he tells us, “is found in the trust which the churches hold. That trust includes trust funds of the most definite kind. And contrary to what seems to be the prevailing opinion, we venture to regard a trust as a sacred thing. The funds of the evangelical churches are held under a very definite trust; they are committed to the various bodies for the propagation of the gos- pel as set forth in the Bible and in the confes- sions of faith. To devote them to any other purpose, even though that other purpose should be in itself far more desirable, would be a violation of trust.”’
The proper course of action, he goes on to say, “is perfectly open to the man who de- sires to propagate ‘liberal Christianity.’ Finding the existing evangelical churches to be bound up to a creed which he does not accept, he may either unite himself with some other existing body or else found a new body to suit himself.” That there are “certian obvious disadvantages in such a course,” Professor Machen admits; it would involve “the aban- donment of church buildings,” a “break in family traditions,” an “injury to sentiment of various kinds.” Moreover, “by with- drawing from the confessional churches— those churches which are founded upon a creed derived from Scripture—the liberal preacher would indeed sacrifice the oppor- tunity, almost within his grasp, of so obtain- ing control of those confessional churches as to change their fundamental character. The sacrifice of that opportunity would mean that the hope of turning the resources of the evangelical churches into Liberalism would be gone.” But the Professor hastens to con- sole the liberal by pointing out “one supreme

The War in
the Churches

advantage” which “far overbalances all such dis- advantages.”
This, he asserts, is “the advantage of honesty.” Though “the path of honesty in such matters may be rough and thorny, it can be trod.” Indeed, “‘it has already been trod—for example, by the Unitarian Church.””. Says Machen, “The Unitarian Church is frankly and honestly just the kind of church that the liberal preacher desires—namely, achurch without an authoritative Bible, without doctrinal requirements, and with- out a creed.”
As the Professor as- sures us, “Liberalism would certainly not suf- fer in the end. The liberal preacher would obtain the full personal respect even of his op- ponents, and the whole discussion would be placed on higher ground. All would be straight- forward and above- board. And if Liberal- ism is true, the mere loss of physical resources vould not prevent it from making its way.”
At the Unitarian House in Boston | ob- serve no preparations to accommodate a swarm of deported Liberals, nor do | find among Liberals any eagerness to surrender church property to the Fundamentalists. In the Liberal camp—trenches, | had almost said —l find a general expectation that the pre- dicted grand offensive will fail to eventuate. “There is great sound and fury signifying nothing,” I am told. “It will subside; even now it is subsiding.” Whereas Dr. W. B. Riley is not subsiding. Nor is Doctor Massee. Nor is Doctor Goodchild. Nor is Doctor

has developed.

PUpRytphet yng?
© Underwood & Underwood CHRIST CHURCH, ALEXANDRIA, VIRGINIA George Washington attended this church, but since his day the war in the churches
Differences in creed were originally the grounds for the breaking up of churches, and the division of congregations.
Now evolution and related theories are causing the split
Laws. Nor is Doctor Torrey. Nor is Pro- fessor Machen. Nor is Dean Gray. Nor is Mr. Bryan. Nor is Rev. J. Frank Norris.
It was Norris who said to me at the very start of the first talk | had with him, “There is going to be a new denomination.” He named the three distinguished Fundamenta- lists who are about to organize it. Of the present denominations he said, “ We’re going to rip them up.” Soon—he named the time—the ripping will begin. Of the great schism that impends, he said, “It’s going to be a Bull Moose Bolt.”

BROOKHART,
HOWELL, AND
“BROTHER CHARLEY” BRYAN
The Radical Revolt in lowa and Nebraska
By CHESTER H. ROWELL
E most dramatic feature of last
year’s political upheaval in the
Western grain states was the con- spicuousness of the personalities affected. These may be “hick”’
states, far beyond the horizon of metropoli- tan interest, but their representatives have loomed large in the government of the Na- tion. The Senator defeated in North Dakota was Porter J. McCumber, chairman of the Senate’s most powerful committee. Frank
B. Kellogg, defeated in Minnesota, was a national figure in or out of the Senate. Robert M. LaFollette, whose defeat the same move- ment prevented in Wisconsin, is the most distinguished leader of the radical movement. Albert B. Cummins, of lowa, chairman of the
Interstate Committee and leader in railroad legislation, was, to be sure, not defeated, since it was not his year to stand for reélection, but his leadership was repudiated by the voters of his own state and he was given as a col- league the most rasping of all the radicals, pledged to undo the very policies which were Cummins’s life work. Gilbert M. Hitchcock, Democratic floor leader on war issues and foreign policies, was defeated in Nebraska. Not only did the radical movement make a clean sweep, but it swept very important personages.
Previous articles have traced this move- ment through the more radical states con- stituting the Northern half of the group. In North Dakota, Minnesota, and Wisconsin, as we have seen, not only did the radicals win, but they smashed the traditional American party system.
In the three states of the Southern half of the group the revolt was the same, but less iconeclastic peoples further from the centre of disturbance used the traditional tools in- stead of forging new ones. lowa, naturally the most conservative of all these states, elected the most aggressively radical Senator
—but it elected him as a part of the regulai Republican ticket, and his opponent was a Democrat. In Nebraska the radical move- ment used both parties, capturing the Repub- lican nomination for Senator and the Demo- cratic nomination for Governor and electing both its candidates.
There were of course local factors to confuse the simplicity of these generalizations. The demand for lower taxes went so far as to react against even roads and schools. The Ger- man vote, the World War, and prohibition played their rdle in Nebraska. But the com- mon bases of revolt were the low price of farm products and the high price of every- thing else; high interest, deflated credits, high freights, high taxes, and opposition to the Esch-Cummins Law, to the Federal Reserve Board, to ship subsidy, and to “ Wall Street”’ influences generally.
Normally and traditionally lowa does not belong in the radical group. Its emer- gence into the radical foreground rests on the personal victory of one man—Senator Smith Brookhart—and on the conditions which made that victory possible. Woodrow Wilson’s “safe and sane lowa” and the boosters’ slogan “sure crop lowa’’ come to much the same thing. One who is sure of his living is rarely radical. If lowa farmers could be as sure of prices as they are of crops, they might vote the Republican ticket for- ever. It was prices that raised the havoc this time. lowa is perhaps the best example of that least typical thing in America, the “typical American” state. Its people are of the old stock, with some German and Scandinavian spots. There are few rich and few poor, but many able to go to Los Angeles even before they die. Practically every acre in lowa is arable and produces a good crop every year. It is doubtful if this can be said in equal degree of any other equal area on earth. Economically lowa is
?

Brookhart, Howell, and ‘Brother Charley” Bryan

gal
a 2 paar 2 . ee ~
=
Photograph by Louis Bostwick
AN IOWA WHEATFIELD WHOSE OWNER PROBABLY VOTED FOR BROOKHART
Senator Brookhart, the newly elected Iowa radical, outdoes R. B. Howell, the new Nebraska Senator, for Senator Howell although progressive and in favor of many policies not favored by conservatives, is not one of the La Follette group, while Brookhart is one of its most radical members
unkillable. It may be deflated, but it can- not be collapsed.
But deflated it was, spectacularly. Prices of farm products had been greatly inflated by the war. Money was plentiful and credit was too easy. Banks encouraged borrowing money to increase Liberty Bond purchases. Federal Reserve rediscounts made the very process of borrowing create the money to borrow. Prices of farm lands rose to impos- sible levels and everybody sought to increase his holdings, often pledging the old farm as well as the new as security. In consequence, much land is now going back to tenantry. And of course there was also much spending for a higher standard of living. The money of the fat years went into everything except reserve for the lean years. Even this could have been endured if it had not been for the swarm of “blue sky”’ swindlers who pounced on the state and took away two hundred mil- lion dollars in good lowa money.
Then came the collapse, with no reserve to meet it and credit frozen, hitting the farmers
harder than any other class. Inevitably, such an emergency finds political expression. Aside from the mere fact of revolt, its most significant effect was to bring economic issues to the foreground.
BROOKHART
NTO this situation comes Smith W. Brook-
hart, “cowhide radical.’”’ Brookhart pro- claims that he was born in a log cabin in Missouri and lived in another in Minnesota. Anyhow he grew up a dirt farmer boy in lowa and still keeps close to the soil. He read law and has been practising it for nearly thirty years in Washington, a small town of less than 5,000 inhabitants, in the southeast part of the state. “A typical country lawyer,” a cynical critic described him, “one of the sort that files his papers in a barrel and chaws terbacker.”” He became interested early in life in farm codperation and “read up”’ on the Rochdale system. It is not related that he is otherwise much addicted to the reading habit. He got into rough and ready politics

!
480
and would have liked to go to Congress, but the Burlington railroad, which then ran the politics of his district, would not permit. In- stead of making his peace with the railroad and so achieving his ambition, he has fought it ever since. He joined the Cummins pro- gressive movement and became its leader in his corner of the state. Later he broke with Cummins on his railroad policies.
Aside from this somewhat inconspicuous career, Brookhart has achieved one real dis- tinction. He is one of the best rifle shots in America. . He joined the lowa National Guard and became its champion marksman and its leader in rifle training. In the World War many European military authorities had concluded that infantry marksmanship is no longer of great importance, and when America entered the war some of our officers were in- clined to the same view. Brookhart went to Washington and “sold” the contrary idea to Secretary Baker. He was made chief in- structor in marksmanship at Camp Benning and Camp Perry schools, and doubtless thereby made a substantial contribution to American success in the war.
When Senator A. B. Cummins came up for reélection in 1920 the regulars were inclined to let him have the nomination by default. But Brookhart, who does not suffer from bash- fulness and is no respecter of “ regular’? amen- ities, came out as an opposing candidate for the Republican nomination. There were rumors which it is not necessary to verify that he was brought out by the late James Pierce, radical farm journalist. He ran against Cummins largely on the issue of Commins’s famous railroad bill, and made in that conser- vative year the very respectable showing of 97,000 votes against Cummins’s_ 115,000. This made him the obvious leader of any radical movement which might follow at a later election.
In this campaign of 1920 Brookhart exas- perated Cummins beyond measure by what Cummins styled his “ignorant’’ discussion of the railroad question. ‘“ Economic illiterate,” Cummins called him. But even that epithet is a tribute to the growing importance of econ- omic issues in politics. “Economic’’ was the sort of “illiteracy’’ that was considered a re- proach. Doubtless Brookhart knows even less of literature, art, and sciencethan Cummins thinks he does of economics, but there is no political offense in avowed ignorance of these
Chester H. Rowell
subjects. As to whether he really is an “econ- omic illiterate,” this is the judgment of an acute observer in Washington: “|. think he knows the economics of farm coéperation very well. On the rest he is a child—but he can learn.”’
Regularly there would not have been an- other senatorial election in lowa until 1924, but the resignation of Senator William S. Kenyon presented the opportunity two years earlier. Brookhart promptly announced his candidacy, and the lowa Old Guard tried every trick in the old game of politics to fore- stall him—everything except the only things that count in the new game. The only thing they omitted was to present a real leader with a real policy and a real appeal to the people. In fact, their chief effort was to keep the people from having anything to do with it.
Everything was bungled. The first blunder was to give no outstanding leader the pres- tige of the temporary appointment. Gover- nor Nathan E. Kendall gave the appointment to Charles Rawson, Republican state chair- man and old-time “ regular,’ with the under- standing that he would be a candidate at the election. The next scheme was to prevent any choice at the primary, thereby throwing the nomination into a stacked convention. lowa has a “35 percent. law.”’ That is, if no candidate receives 35 per cent. of all the votes cast at primary there is no nomination, and the place is filled by a convention. So four harm- less candidates came out, to divide the vote and prevent a nomination. It soon became evident that they were fizzling, so grudging welcome was given to the last-minute candi- dacy of Clifford Thorne, former railroad com- missioner, a progressive and a man of ability and reputation. The only effect was to con- centrate support on Brookhart. He received nearly 42 per cent. of all the votes and was nominated. Thorne was a respectable sec- ond. The original lay figures were distanced. Then came the advantage or disadvantage of the partisan system. The convention, duly stacked, repudiated all of Brookhart’s policies, but it did not quite dare repudiate his can- didacy. In lowa all the nominations from Governor to Constable are on party tickets, so the politicians were all interested in the “straight ticket’’ tradition. They had to pre- tend to be for Brookhart—though the vote showed that somebody “knifed’’ him. The


A CABBAGE
diversification in politics.
PATCH IN Corn is lowa’s staple crop, but the lowa farmer believes in diversification.

IOWA Just at present he seems also to believe in
Iowa has long been‘a Republican state but Senator Brookhart is not likely to be of much
assistance in the purely Republican circles in the Senate, for his affiliations are with La Follette, Shipstead, et al, who are bound by no parties
Democrats nominated Clyde L. Hering, a suc- cessful business man who had made a fortune
as State agent for Ford cars. Brookhart was elected by 161,918 majority, while Governor Kendall, conservative, was reélected by 244,383.
Brookhart’s election is only for the two years of Kenyon’s unexpired term. So the important question is whether he can be el- ected again next year. This perhaps accounts in part for the assertive course and good press- agenting by which he has achieved quick no- tice in the Senate. Brookhart has become news in many ways, ranging all the way from cowhide boots and no dinner coat to leading the filibuster against the ship subsidy bill. Then he went to Europe to study coéperation, and learn even more about his hobby, Roch- dale merchandizing. We shall hear more of him, on this and other subjects.
The general opinion in lowa is that his re- election is probable. ‘“Brookhart could be beaten,” said the veteran “Lafe’’ Young
‘
paradoxically, “except that those who could beat him can’t get the votes.”’ Which strictly speaking means nothing and yet expresses the practical situation very vividly. There is no unity or resourcefulness of leadership on the conservative side. The very complete- ness of the party organization defeats its own end. With all the offices partisan, all the politicians are interested in party solidarity, and Brookhart being an “in,” elected as the regular candidate of the party, the system is self-inhibited from opposing him effectively. There is no way to “draft’’ a strong candidate, and none—-or too many—may volunteer.
NEBRASKA
HEN we come to Nebraska we find a
more radical state producing less rad- ical revolt by party methods intermediate be- tween the orthodoxy of lowa and the unortho- doxy of the North. The radicals won both the Senator and the Governor, but they elec- ted one as a Republican and the other as a


482
Democrat. This involved in the Senatorship, in a year of generally anti-Republican revolt, defeating a democratic Senator, Gilbert N. Hitchcock and substituting a Republican, but it was the same forces, merely using the party machinery in the .opposite direction. The new Senator, R. B. Howell, however, unlike Frazier, Shipstead, and Brookhart, is an ad- vanced progressive rather than a radical, and his personality does not shock the traditions. He is an educated gentleman of ability and means, and is nearer the traditional Senatorial type. The local election for Governor in Neb- raska is also of national interest, chiefly on ac- count of the interesting personality and possi- ble future importance of the new Governor, Charles W. Bryan, “Brother Charley,” brother of the perennial “W.]J.”
Nebraska is interesting, too, as the best example of Townley’s Non-Partisan League policy of “boring in” to both the old parties.
Instead of third-party action, the League endorsed Bryan, Democrat, for Governor, and Howell, Republican, for Senator and thereby largely exempted them both from discussing radical or League issues. They knew they had its support (and it theirs) anyway. Both candidates were elected by unprecedented majorities, Howell by 72,085 and Bryan by 46,365. The League had lived up to its name of “non-partisan” and had vindicated by success its policy of “ boring in”’ both ways.
This election also marked the reconciliation of the ancient feud between William J. Bryan and Senator Hitchcock, which had long divided Nebraska democracy. The Demo- cratic party had first become numerically formidable in Nebraska when Hitchcock won over the German voter to himself by going “wet,” but of course Bryan had opposed him on this, as he did on women suffrage and other matters. The Germans had remained Dem- ocrats with Hitchcock on his bill proposing an embargo on the export of arms early in the World War and with Wilson on_ his “kept us out of war,” but they now repudiated both, on war issues, and were violent Repub- licans again. But now, in the interest of the holy cause of party harmony, and incidentally of “Brother Charley,” Bryan and Hitchcock patched up a compromise. Hitchcock an- nounced that while he had originally opposed both the Eighteenth and Nineteenth amend- ments, he now accepted them as accomplished facts and would support them in every way.
Chester H. Rowell
This impeccably correct logical policy ap- parently aliented both wets and drys (whose specialty is not logic) but it won him William J. Bryan, who came into the state and cam- paigned for him. ;
HOWELL
R. B. Howell, the new Senator, has an in- teresting history. A graduate of the United States Naval Academy in the class of 1885, he served two years in the Navy, and served also as a naval officer in the Spanish-American War and as a naval reserve officer in the World War. Leaving the Navy with impaired health, he first studied law in Detroit and then went West in search of a safer climate. He found it, and health, in Omaha where he has been ever since. He practised civil en- gineering and went into the real estate and brokerage business, at which he acquired a competency. He was state engineer of Ne- braska, city engineer of Omaha, member of the Nebraska State Senate, member of the water board of Omaha since 1904, and since 1912 water commissioner of that city and manager of its public utilities. In 1914 he was Repub- lican nominee for Governor, but was defeated. For the last ten years he has been Republican National Committeeman. Altogether, it will be seen, a long and creditable career of public service.
But chiefly, Howell has been known as an advocate and administrator of municipally owned public works. As State Senator he secured the legislation which, after long liti- gation, secured Omaha in the municipal owner- ship of its water works, and since its establish- ment he has been the manager of that plant. In 1918 the gas plant was also taken over and he became manager of that. A municipal ice plant has been run as an incidental feature. He has also favored a municipal electric plant, but has as yet only succeeded in beating down the rates of the private companies. In the business management of all these enter- prises he has had marked success, and he has been leading advocate in Nebraska of the policy which they embody.
When Senator Gilbert M. Hitchcock’s term expired in 1922, Howell became a candidate for the Republican and Hitchcock of course for the Democratic nomination. The pri- mary canvass of both of them was more like a Chautauqua stunt than a political campaign. Neither of them discussed issues. Howell

Brookhart, Howell, and
‘Brother Charley” Bryan

A WHEATFIELD IN THE ELKHORN VALLEY IN NEBRASKA A good yield, important as that is, is not all the farmer desires, for a good yield when prices are low and the demand
is light helps him very little.
The Elkhorn Valley has been through periods of agricultural difficulties before. In
1893 many farmers burned corn in their stoves because it could be sold for so little, and in the ’seventies land was so
cheap that forty acres, near where this photograph was taken, was traded for a silver watch.
The defeat of Senator
Hitchcock was due at least partly to the farmers’ discontent
talked almost entirely about radio. He was a “radio bug’’ and had been appointed chair- man of the Radio Service Commission of the United States. -Hitchcock lectured on an in- ternational banking scheme which he had sponsored. Issues did not emerge until the campaign for the final election. However, the stunt did bring out audiences and enabled the candidates to get in personal touch with the people.
Howell had four Republican opponents, only two of whom, however—A. W. Jeffries, Old Guard Republican, and Clarence A. Davis, extreme “dry,” received substantial votes. Howell received the plurality and was nomin- ated.
Then the real contest began. Howell had the advantage in putting Hitchcock on the defensive. Howell, as an outsider, could simply oppose the Esch-Cummins railroad bill while Hitchcock, being in office, had to ex- plain why as a practical matter he had voted
for it, even though he objected to the same features that Howell criticized. The argu- ment on the Federal Reserve degenerated into a partisan “passing the buck’’ as to which party was responsible for its iniquities. However, the real issues did not need much discussion. Howell had already arranged for the Non-Partisan League support by an understanding with its leaders two years be- fore. He had the workingmen on his public ownership record. Hitchcock could not hold his wets on the Bryan compromise, and such of them as were Germans he had already lost by his good war record. The bloc votes were mostly for Howell. And it was a bad year for “ins,” whether Republicans or Dem- ocrats.
So R. B. Howell, left-wing Republican en- dorsed by the radicals, was elected United States Senator. He is a municipal-ownership man, but on state and national ownership he has a different view. He would not have gen-


484
eral governmental ownership of utilities un- less as a last resort. He does not believe in regulated monopoly, either public or private. His remedy is competition. He would have public service commissions fix only a maxi- mum rate, below which companies could com- pete. Then he would have the Government purchase or build a few competing lines and “operate them for blood,” to squeeze the in- flated valuations out of the others.
“ BROTHER CHARLEY”
HE local contest for Governor of Ne-
braska is chiefly interesting on account of the personality of Charles W. Bryan, the successful candidate. “Brother Charley” is an interesting character. He used to keep a cigar store in Omaha, and in appearance and manner he would not seem incongruous behind a cigar counter now. He will sit on his desk, with his hat on, in the Governor’s office, and talk to you with the utmost nat- uralness. There is of course a family re- semblance to his more famous brother, but the type is different. He is roundfaced, with a bristly gray moustache and bright, alert eyes, that miss nothing. In fact his mind misses nothing. He has an almost detective
faculty of keeping track of the small things about everybody’s life and doings, and he has a photographic mind which retains the image of anything, even an elaborate table of figures,
that he has once seen. He is quick and informal in speech, with none of the orator’s elaborateness of manner, but he knows ex- pertly how to “sell” an idea to a crowd. Though a man of strictly correct habits and life, he has not his brother’s Puritan mind. He is not an active church member, and his opposition to liquor is based rather on its public injuriousness than on its personal sin- fulness. He is a strictly practical politician, who likes the game and plays it expertly. He has been his brother’s adviser in the whole organization aspect of politics and the active manager of his Nebraska contests.
When William J. Bryan came back to Lin- coln from the “Cross of Gold”’ campaign of 1896 he found himself with not much left of the election except a pile of 186,000 unan- swered letters and telegrams. Determined to answer them all he brought Brother Charley from the Omaha cigar store and made him his correspondence secretary. Charley organized a corps of stenographers
Chester H. Rowell
and turned out a letter a minute, eight hours a day, for a year and a half, until the job was done. By that time Brother Charley was in touch, personally or by correspondence, with practically every important Democratic poli- tician in the country, and he has been deep in the game ever since.
When the Commoner was started, Brother Charley became its manager, and ran it with a large staff, part of whose duties were journalistic and the rest political. “W. J.,” from Florida or wherever he may be, sends in signed political paragraphs and a series of “ Bible talks,” but otherwise he has ordinarily no direct hand in getting out the paper. It is a curious publication, whose readers must like it or they would not con- tinue to take it. Let it be hoped that they take the “Bible talks” more seriously than the preposterous quack-medicine advertise- ments alongside them.
From 1901 when the Commoner was founded until 1916, Charles W. Bryan was constantly in politics in Nebraska and behind the scenes in his brother’s campaigns, but was never in office. Then he was elected Mayor and afterward City Commissioner of Lincoln under a new charter. He claimed the mayoralty that time, as having received the highest vote, but his fellow-commissioners made him commissioner of streets and alleys instead. He put through by picturesque meth- ods a municipal coal yard, on the model of one in Omaha. The other commissioners did not favor the bill, so he got petitions signed with sufficient names to recall them, kept the peti- tions in his pocket, and used them as a big stick to compel the passage of the bill. He also used a petition for a municipal ice plant as a club to drive down the price of ice.
These things, in addition to any other vir- tues, were good campaign thunder, and when the campaign of 1922 came on Brother Charley had no difficulty in securing the Democratic nomination for Governor and the Non-Partisan League endorsement.
The Republican nominee, Charles H. Ran- dall, was a conservative of the extreme type, president of the State Bankers’ Association and author in the legislature of some unpopu- lar taxation bills. The defeat of such a man as Randall, in a radical year, was a foregone conclusion. The only possible obstacle was the old Bryan-Hitchcock feud, and that, as we have seen, was settled.

Brookhart, Howell, and ‘Brother Charley” Bryan

DRY FARMING IN WESTERN NEBRASKA Conditions in western Nebraska and in the eastern part of the state are very different. In the west “dry” farming
and irrigation are necessary. In the east neither is in use.
But the same political discontent was apparent all over
the state, nor did parties have much to do with it, fora Democratic Senator was defeated by a Republican at the same time that a Republican was defeated for governor by a Democrat
The economy issue took on an interesting form in Nebraska. The outgoing Governor, S. R. McKelvie, on a trip to Chicago early in his term had met Governor Lowden of Illinois, and became interested in Lowden’s reorgani- zation of the government of Illinois. There were constitutional difficulties in Nebraska, but good lawyers devised for McKelvie a “code commission” bill which they thought was valid.
Theoretically, this should have been a meas- ure of efficiency and economy, and perhaps it was. That is now the subject of violent con- troversyin Nebraska. But coincident withthe adoption of the “code”’ system taxes went up. Most of them, to be sure, were local city and county taxes, but Nebraska is not the only state in which the voters punish the Gov- ernor for the wrongs committed by their own neighbors whom they have elected and reélect supervisors.
But, as so often happens in American
politics, the people chose an executive on a legislative issue and simultaneously elected a legislature to prevent that legislation. The explanation seems to be that the Governor is a general candidate, elected on general issues, while each legislator is a local candidate, elected because he is a friend and neighbor, or for some other personal or local reason. So a Democratic Governor was elected to destroy the code system and a Republican legislature was chosen at the same election to prevent him from doing so. Once more the service of the party system in confusing instead. of clarifying issues is manifested.
The story of the deadlock and subsequent events in the local contest would lead us too far afield. Its only popular importance is in the fact that a situation which first made a picturesquely interesting character, a brother of W. J. Bryan, Governor of Ne- braska may also make him United States Senator.

THE THREE PER CENT. LOAN SWINDLE
A Heartless Scheme by Which Needy Borrow- ers are Mulcted for Loans They Never Get
By JOHN R. GREGORY
HE publicity given oil promotion schemes within recent months might lead the casual reader to suspect that all the snares being set to-day by the up-to-date trickster must be baited with oil. He might go farther than this and suspect, too, now that the oil scheme is pilloried once and for all, that publicity of the right sort has served its pur- pose, and settle down in the belief that here- after the little fellow’s savings will be safe.
True, oil profits, real and imaginary, have always been the greatest lure, but as there are schemers without number, so are there an infinite variety of schemes. Let us forget for a moment the expected oil gusher and the gushing promoter, and consider, for instance, the three per cent. loan scheme.
This scheme recognizes and plays upon the home-building and home-owning instinct which is as old as the race. It is directed to the giver and wearer of the engagement ring, to the widow whose rent has been raised, to the old man whose ill health is a warning that he must soon retire. It will aid the first to begin a career and the last to round off one. It will do this by solving, in what mysterious fashion let us see, the difficulty of having and maintaining a home.
This scheme, unlike many, was not born in any one brain. It is a development, an improved-upon thing which can be tracked through the Post Office Department archives for years past. Stated simply, a cut-throat contract binds the victim to pay $10 per month per $1,000 desired, and to continue this for eight years, and if every single thing goes well, and if the insiders decide that embezzlement is not the safest way to wealth, he becomes eligible for a loan some time during this long period of waiting—and the loan will be at the rate of three per cent. The con- tract out of which the “eligible” can under favorable conditions squeeze a loan, is a veritable masterpiece of complicated phrase-
ology. If the proverbial Philadelphia lawyer
. did not have a hand in framing it, he at least
would have to be called upon to interpret its involved and tortured phrases.
Through the work of post office inspectors O. B. Williamson, William J. Marles, and John Welborn, the promoters of one of the biggest of the three per centers—the Codperative League of America—recently came to grief. By arresting Sg J. Bovard of Pittsburgh, and Morton S . Hawkins of Portland, Indiana, they brought to an end the career of two of the most curious characters who within the last seven years have risen and prospered in that crazy world of unsound finance. Since 1916 Bovard has been the dominant figure in the League’s affairs, and from his palatial offices in the Standard Life Building in Pittsburgh, has written more than twenty million dollars worth of business. His contracts—the cut- throat kind of all three per centers—went to almost ridiculous lengths to make it legally safe for the insiders; and after placing all the risk the traffic would bear on the prospective borrower, forgot to safeguard the accumu- lating cash by providing a reserve to use in carrying on the future business. This may not be one of the reasons why Judge Anderson of Indianapolis placed such assets as could be found in the hands of a receiver, but it gave color to the inspectors’ claim that any finan- cial concern which has to depend upon future income in order to be able to carry out exist- ing obligations is headed straight for disaster.
The League has two funds. The first is to provide for expenses of the several kinds, and is generous enough under any prudent man- agement, because it was created by taking from every investor all of his first four pay- ments and ten per cent. of the next five. The second fund the trustees promised to guard sacredly. Out of it the three per cent. loans were to be made. It was made up of ninety per cent. of the fifth to the ninth payment inclusive, and all the others the investor

Sa WH me OD | VS GO
3 «
The Three Per Cent. Loan Swindle 487
could be persuaded to make. This fund went under the euphonious name of the “Trust Estate” and the contract holder was led to believe that it was only a question of months when it would be apportioned as loans among those who had helped to create it.
According to the records now held in Indianapolis by Reily C. Adams, the receiver, the League has done business with more than 9,000 people. These are scattered over a dozen different states, but the heaviest business was drawn from New York, Penn- sylvania, Ohio, and Illinois. By one of the curious clauses in the League’s contract, these people, for exploitation purposes, were divided into groups, $100,000 worth of contract holders to the group. Each group was called a series and the members of each, after the heavy toll had been taken for the general expense fund, were made to finance each other, that is, the series, with no outside aid, provided the money to lend to the series mem- bers. The insiders—the three trustees—had nothing to do but preside over this interesting performance, passing out favors according to their individual whim and drawing splen- did salaries, aggregating for the three, about $27,000 a year.
THE USE OF THE SERIES FEATURE
HE series feature gave the League insiders
endless trouble, because the privilege of re- ceiving a loan, valuable or not, as one may view it, was not distributed equally, and could not be. Priority of position, de- termined by the day, hour, and minute of signing a contract, was the main thing. The “early bird catches the worm’’ principle governed. Theoretically, at least, Contract holder No. 1 would be eligible for his loan one hundred times quicker than Contract holder No. 100, and between the first and last were a thousand difficulties never dreamed of by the prospective borrower. These slowed up the clumsy process. For example, there was the “grace” clause in case the payer became sick or disabled, the “option in event of death” clause, and the fatal “forfeiture” clause, under which the trustees gathered in all payments made as liquidated damages for non-performance of the terms which re- quired the contract holder never to give up but to pay monthly for one hundred months if the exigencies of his case should require
this. These contingencies not only affected the individual but affected the whole series to which he belonged, so that each member was bound for good or ill. by whatever hap- pened to his fellows. The more forfeitures the more money for the insiders, and the slower the eligibility for the honest payer of dues.
During the years when the scheme was still young—and during the months when Bovard knew the end was in sight—the newspapers of the country carried the same appeal. In the Pittsburgh Press of April 15, 1923, an adver- tisement cries out: “ Homeseekers Attention!” And then below the cut of three beautiful bungalows, Bovard unfolds his plan:
You start with just monthly payments, accumulate the equity, we finance the balance on easy monthly payments at the lowest possible interest rates, with ten years to repay, liberal suspension for sickness and misfortune.
The payer of monthly dues first senses his danger when one delay in getting.a loan fol- lows another. The glib agent, working for the first rake-off, told the first lie. He gave his worthless word that contracts matured early, said there would be no long waiting for customers of his—he saw personally to that important feature. And the deal would be closed—closed more because of this assur- ance than any other single thing. Let us see what happens: When the victim of this trickery writes to the company and asks the reason for it all, he gets a stock reply reading like this:
Referring to your request for information regarding the standing of your contract, beg to advise that there are $39,000 worth of contracts ahead of yours, and on account of their position, we cannot make a definite statement as to when it will mature. It is, however, progressing nicely. In replying, refer to Information Department.
The disappointment of the prospective borrower may make him persistent, and the downright promise of the agent may lead him to consult an attorney. The so-called Infor- mation Department, which gives no infor- mation, is ready for that. This Department, consisting of a stenographer armed with a lot of stock paragraphs, simply copies the one which invokes a clause hidden away among the small type on the last page of the contract. The clause reads in this wise:
I accept the terms and conditions of this contract,

488
John R.
and I make this application solely upon them and not upon the faith of any statement, promise, undertaking, or guarantee on the part of said solicitor or any other persons.
Thus the attorney is stopped and Bovard has scored his first victory. He has demonstrated the wisdom of making a defense before being accused. Roland Robbins taught him this, for an agent’s lie was the rock upon which his Standard Home Company broke and foundered.
THE TRUST AGREEMENT
HE whole mischief-making scheme was
operated under a Trust Agreement and Declaration of Trust created and declared October 2, 1916, and is of record in Miscella- neous Docket, Vol. 4., p. 272 of the Recorder’s Office in Allegheny County, Pennsylvania. The agreement makes the League for all time the property of ten men, and denies to the thousands of contract holders, who supply the funds, the slightest voice in its manage- ment. They can be sold out, traded out, or worn out as Bovard and his two fellow trustees may desire. The part they are to play is set out with all needed particularity in the individual contract. From it one might easily infer that an ideal contract holder is one who pays promptly, who waits hopefully, and who, while paying and waiting, never doubts that the total stranger to whom he has entrusted his savings will deal honestly with him. Of course, he must not be curious and must never suspect that he is completely delivered into the hands of his enemies by that all inclusive clause of the Agreement reading as follows:
Whereas, in order that the plan as proposed in the said contracts in said series or in other or future series of contracts may be pursued, carried on and concluded for the benefit of said parties of the first part, it is necessary that the said organization contracts, plan and business be delivered, turned over to and operated by the trustees X X X.
How tragic and how heartless the whole thing is! The politician need give no heed because but few votes are jeopardized. The prosecuting officer need not bestir himself because public sentiment is not prodding him. What then, is to be done? Simply strive to quicken the conscience of our public officials by fearlessly exposing the maker of schemes, and bring to those in authority a
Gregory
fuller realization that laws are for the pro- tection of the weak and helpless and not a shield behind which the cunning rascal can lay in wait. Here isa letter written recently to an officer whose duty it is to enforce the law:
I have written to the Coéperative League asking for a cash settlement and they will not answer. I wrote and told them I was going to report to the Government if they did not, but they failed. When I took the contract with the League, the agreement said at a certain period of time you could get the contract value if wanted. I have paid my pay- ments all through the mail. I have paid $100.15. | am a widow with two children and feel that I have certainly been wronged by the company. They do not answer my mail, only at first.
Bovard’s League was running smoothly enough about the time the Blue Sky laws in some of the States were beginning to prove effective. State officials in Illinois and Minne- sota, acting on authority conferred by these laws, insisted on intimate details. Bovard successfully answered all questionnaires from these and other sources, and it was thought for a time that he could quiet all suspicion. One thing happened, however, which may well be regarded as the beginning of the end. The League’s agent in Cleveland ran afoul of Ohio’s lottery law. A trial followed and League money poured into the State to de- fend the accused agent. But despite all efforts, the agent was convicted and the judgment affirmed by the Ohio Court of Appeals for the Eighth circuit. The attorney representing the League’s agent, relying on that clause in the contract which fixes the applicant’s position in a series by the exact time of signing, argued that by this the ele- ment of chance was eliminated. He urged that chance, one of the three elements of a lottery, must depend upon a “subsequent event”? and not so depending in this case, there could be no lottery. The Supreme Court of Missouri, in recently deciding the fate of another of the three percenters, fol- lowed the Ohio Court, and took occasion to refer to this sophistry by saying that to hold such a view would be to say that the Louisi- ana Lottery could “still operate under our law by the simple device of determining the winning numbers first, keeping them secret, and then selling chances based upon corre- . spondence of ticket numbers already drawn, but kept secret from the ticket buyers.”

The Three Per Cent. Loan Swindle
The lottery decision dealt the League a knock-out blow in Ohio. Thereafter the Pennsylvania State Banking Commissioner gave it a little closer scrutiny. He claimed to be without authority to close its doors, but in December, 1921, required the three trus- tees to deposit with the state $100,000 as a guarantee that the business would be fairly administered. This ruling, mild as it was, created a difficult problem for Bovard. The expense fund would not stand the strain, for at the time it was greatly depleted, due to wastage, and the legal controversies waged in so many places. If the trust fund should be encroached upon, what of the repeated pledges and the ability to make future loans? Only a promoter seeking the easiest way out and not the honest way could find a solution. What did these insiders do? Made the books to show that the trust fund loaned the expense fund the needed amount, and the trust fund, which in a final analysis means the monthly payer of dues, gets the |. O. U. of an empty cash box. Meanwhile the prospective home builder wonders why his loan is so long de- layed.
ENTER MORTON S. HAWKINS
N_ 1922, the unsoundness of the loan plan began to tell on the three per centers the country over. To avert disaster a National Association of Home Loan Insti- tutions was formed and its representatives met in St. Louis in the spring of that year. Over thirty-six companies joined the move- ment. Defensive measures were proposed and a concerted effort made to save the three per cent. idea. But it required more than the genius of Bovard to avert the storm. Then chance or fate or whatever it is that some- times comes to a man who is groping, inter- vened, and Morton S. Hawkins crossed Bovard’s path. This gentleman’s concep- tion of how to effect a complete clean up, and his adroitness at side-stepping the conse- quences, at once threw the spot light on “The House of Hawkins.”
Hawkins’s instrumentality is the chattel mortgage, and his benevolent purpose, which we discover by analyzing his attractive come- on literature, is to put a “loan shark”’ office in three hundred towns and villages. He has actually established some forty of these insti- tutions in eight of the states, so that country folk now, as well as New York and Chicago
489
unfortunates, can enjoy the privilege of pay- ing twenty-five to thirty per cent. for a chattel loan. Nothing suggestive ofa shark or of that animal’s well known_ proclivities, ‘ how- ever, can be seen about one of these places: Even the name sounds right: “ Welfare Loan Society.”’” Each of the so-called societies is an independent corporation in name, but each in fact wears the chains of the “House of Hawkins.” Fifty-one per cent. of the capi.al stock of each is given the “ House’”’ for a filing system, a plan of business, and the like, and the remaining 49 per cent. of each is sold, or at least offered for sale, to the incautious public as a safe investment, yielding 8 per cent. The “House,” which is Hawkins him- self and his two associates, Anthony A. Scheib and Carl B. Anderson, operates as. the Hawkins Mortgage Company, and in a finan- cial statement issued as of June 30, 1922, this company held stock in the societies, “exclusive of Louisiana,” which Hawkins had nerve enough to value at $7,613,000. Im- pressive figures. The public, as every pro- moter knows, likes to dream in terms of millions, but is slow to learn that Hawkins and his kind have nothing more substantial to offer than a dream.
Each society’s 49 per cent. of capital stock was offered for sale to supply money to loan, and the lying Hawkins’s salesman, using mathematics which cannot lie, demonstrated clearly that the earning power of the invest- ment would be high. Now, provide safety and the argument is complete. Here is the Hawkins method of doing this, quoted from a pamphlet of his entitled A PUBLIC SPIRITED ENTERPRISE WITH PROF- ITS FOR YOU:
Hawkins Mortgage Company—Guarantee Bond— Guaranteed That the Welfare Loan Society in which stock is purchased will be efficiently man- aged; that it will pay a dividend of eight per cent. and back of the Bond are the entire resources, capital, surplus, and profits of the Hawkins Mort- gage Company amounting to $9,000,000.
These were reckless promises. the societies were operated at a loss, and many more failed to yield a profit for a year, sometimes two years, after being opened. And here was a promise to pay dividends from the beginning, and to keep everlastingly at it, even though it took the entire capital
Many of
of the Hawkins Mortgage Company. the scheme was turning in a circle.
But Hawkins



490 John R. Mortgage Company stock had to be sold so that dividends could be paid on Welfare Society stock, and the dividends had to be paid on this stock so that the Hawkins Mort- gage Company would appear prosperous, so that more of its stock could be sold to pay more dividends on Welfare Loan stock. Hawkins’s predicament resembled that of the Yankee farmer who had to raise more corn to get more strength to dig more clams, with- out which he would be entirely too weak to raise more corn. So when Morton S. Hawkins crossed the path of Harry J. Bovard two things were obvious: Something had to be done for the Hawkins Mortgage Company and some- thing had to be done with the Codperative League of America; and it is to be regretted that there is no available record of what these two financial wizards said when they first met and took counsel together.
AN UNSUCCESSFUL EFFORT
NE thing we doknow: Earlyin February, 1923, the contract holder, still waiting for
his loan, received a letter the contents of which startled him. It bore the familiar name of Bovard, and, as always, began, Dear Friend’’; but no greeting, however soft, could soften the fact that the whole business of the Codéperative League has stopped—stopped, Bovard said, “on account of adverse agitation and rulings.”” He added:
We have spent considerable time and thought trying to work out a plan and we have been fortunate in securing a favorable offer from the Hawkins Mortgage Company of Portland, Indiana, to exchange their stock to contract hold- ers, giving you thereby the amount paid in by. you and allowing you to pay out in full if you desire on the same terms and receive their stock there- for.
A storm of protest followed which neither Bovard nor Hawkins could ignore. Then came the retraction of February 12th, spon- sored by Hawkins, Scheib, and Anderson, as the new trustees:
You may have gotten the impression that an at- tempt was being made to substitute—without your consent—something else for your contract rights. However, nothing of the kind was being attempted nor even thought of.
It was all a mistake of an Indianapolis printer, these gentlemen explained. The careless
fellow had misunderstood instructions. The
Gregory
alarming news, which meant nothing if not insolvency, was intended for another 3 per center, then being given the Hawkins treat- ment, a Saint Louis concern, the United Home Builders of America.
This was a desperate game. As trustee, Hawkins held in trust the money of the League and the League’s mortgages. How to get unrestricted possession of both was the prob- lem. The advertising campaign, crude, awk- wardly managed, but with an eye always on the main chance, was the play for the con- tract equities which controlled the money. Scare them, trade with them, and then under guise of befriending them, get hold of the contracts, and while the dupes are despair- ingly signing the bright yellow “Certificate of Rights,” plunge into more Welfare Loan Societies with the money thus secured by trick and artifice. What other conclusion can be drawn from his numerous appeals? Part of the funds needed by these institutions, he says, “will be secured from the proceeds, when available, of contract equities ex- changed for Trust Certificates of this com-
pany.”
In time we may expect to hear in open court the completed story of the looting of the League, for the inspectors are still on the job, Postmaster General New has declared that hereafter stealing from the poor is to be made an extra hazardous calling, and a United States Attorney has signified his willingness to begin a criminal prosecution. Not only have Hawkins and Bovard been arrested, but Scheib and Anderson also. Later warrants were served on Charles E. Succop-and John A. Clark of Pittsburgh, Bovard’s partners in the deal, and these six promoters will await, under heavy bond, the action of a United States Grand Jury.
These and the other Wallingfords of the underworld of business, masquerading as financiers, annually take their toll of millions; and statistics show that the supply of new and unsuspecting victims keeps pace with the constant and growing demand. The public can well afford to be grateful to that corps of post office inspectors who will not cease their vigil; to a Postmaster General who will not lay aside that effective instrumentality, the fraud order; and to a United States Attorney who will not dull the cutting edge of a crimi- nal statute under which the home wrecker can be so effectively punished for his crimes.

WILD HUMOR AT THE ANTIPODES
“The Monetization of Celluloid” and “The Anting-Anting”’
By SYDNEY
NE of the useful adjuncts of civil-
ization that we established at
Bongao was a full-fledged can-
teen. The sale of beer and
wines to the “brutal soldiery”’
was permitted in those days, and the supply
of these beverages and of the many small
articles used by soldiers, formed quite a
volume of business. The large percentage of
this business was carried on credit, orders for
merchandise being issued during the month
and paid for on the arrival of the paymaster,
on one of his occasional visits. We had no
printing press at Bongao, and no regular way
in which credit slips for stated amounts could
be issued to the troops, and later be collected and paid for.
Under these circumstances, my mind hark- ened back to a beloved and much used set of poker chips. These had been given to me by a member of the Bohemian Club of San
Francisco, and consisted not only of the usual reds, whites, and blues, but also included greens, yellows, and browns, and in such numbers that they were sufficient to cover all the denominations of Mexican currency, from whites at five cents up to greens at
twenty dollars. They had been used in the early days after the capture of Manila, and in fact, had been embalmed in many of the memories of those stormy times. | remember that on February 4, 1899, the night the insur- rection broke out, a jolly party, consisting of Crowder, Hasbrouck, Hann, Martin, Jim Carlin, and myself, were the active partici- pants in a game at the Army and Navy Club. As the game progressed in the dim watches of the night, we could hear the distant roar of the fire crackers with which the Chinese New Year’s was celebrated. Finally Hann walked out upon the balcony, but soon returned, a little gray about the mouth, and with the sen- sational announcement, “ Boys, those are not fire crackers. They are Krag Jorgensens!”’ This was received with growls of, “Sit down and play your hand. What are you talking about?’”’ He replied, “The insurrection has
A. CLOMAN
broken out! Those are American rifles out at Santa Mesa. Come out on the balcony where the air can strike your ears and you will be convinced.” Everyone left the table and in a few minutes more came piling back into the room. Ah, then and there was hurrying to and fro. Coats and revolver belts were hurried on and no one thought of the poker game—with the exception of my- self. For the first time in ten days I was a winner, so | seated myself at the table and made a hasty calculation of the piles of chips. “Charlie, you owe me thirty-four dollars,” howled | to Martin as he disappeared down the stairway. “Go to the devil!’’ was his sympathetic reply. “Bunker, you owe me fifty-three dollars,” howled | at Hann. “I call it off,” he replied. “Our men are being fired on. This is no time for foolishness.” Similar replies were given by the other par- ticipants in the game, until Crowder and | who had come together, hastily steered our way to the waiting carriage. We were on the staff and so proceeded through the darkness to Malacanan palace, the home of General Otis. I have never seen a darker night in Manila, and of course we knew the signal had been given for the massacre of all Americans. We leaned forward in our carriage with our revolvers in hand, and dashed through the dark streets. We did not know the reason for the delay in the massacre. Finally, an- other carriage swung in front of us at high speed, containing Colonel Colton, the Collec- tor of Customs, and Captain Pegram Whit- worth. Just at this time, a white figure dashed out of the darkness and jumped on the steps of Colton’s carriage. At once the revolvers spoke and we could distinctly see three streams of fire enter the white chest. Instantly we stopped the carriage and ran forward to find that the Filipino had been killed in his tracks. We thought then that the worst had happened and that the ris- ing against the Americans was_ universal. Strange to say, this was the only murderous attempt made during the night by a civilian.




a
Sydney A. Cloman



SITANKAI ISLAND The southernmost inhabited island of the Philippines, and one of the group of which Colonel Cloman was the governor
We found the staff at Malacanan with General Otis, and | remained there all night. Early the next morning the General directed me to get my horse, and beginning on the bay shore near Malate, to ride around the American lines, and see that proper provision had been made to bring forward stores and feed the men. Near Singalon, | ran across the 14th Infantry, which had just had a fight and lost a great many men. _ I soon spotted Hasbrouck. He had placed his company in a shelter trench and was boldly exposing himself under fire, while walking up and down on top of the trench. Twice | pulled him down, and begged him not to thus expose himself while he owed me eighty dollars. | pleaded with him to take shelter and attempt no further deeds of derring-do while his poker debt was thus unpaid, and it was only after some time spent in eloquent protest that | felt safe to go and finish my errand. We both ended the day safely, and it was not long be- fore the payment of the eighty dollars re- stored my confidence in my kind.
During the rigors of the campaign in Luzon the poker chips were unused, and now reposed at Bongao in my spare baggage. They turned out to be just what was necessary for canteen checks, and soon several hundred dollars of
them were doing their respectable duty. Both the soldiers and the natives allowed this new American coinage to take its place in their economic life, and as is usual, in such cases, the higher priced chips began to be hoarded by the chiefs. I issued orders re- garding turning them in, but this simply con- firmed them in the belief that the celluloid was very precious, and it became evident that large numbers of chips were being buried. | had a conference with the chiefs and warned them that on my departure from the island, the chips would not be worth anything and asked them to turn them in without delay. The more | asked for them, the deeper the owners dug, and when | finally left the group of islands the canteen was the richer by more than six hundred dollars of unredeemed poker chips. I have always expected a bloody war to be declared when these were disinterred and the commanding officer at Bongao would not know what they were talking about when they presented them for payment. I have often given this as an example of High Finance, and it has always seemed to me probable that Bryan with his “16 to 1”’ was not entirely an idiot, if | could thus monetize celluloid. This was a favorite story of both President Roosevelt and President Taft.


Wild Humor at the Antipodes
THE ANTING-ANTING
N THIS chapter will be found all the ele-
ments of real romance ;—a hero (fat), vast
wealth ($130 Mex.), two villains (the China- man and myself) and fourteen heroines.
To begin with, when | left San Francisco for the Philippines on May 25, 1898, | was presented, by a charming lady, with a bangle containing a four-leaf clover. If | remember rightly, there was some conversation about wearing it on my bosom forever. What happened was that its horizon was thereafter limited to a box containing shirt studs, a couple of trunk keys and some odd trousers’ buttons. But | was a very busy man.
In Malay-land the charm or anting-anting is a very important article and no man is without one. | have looked them over and found them to consist of bits of everything from a plain pebble to a bag of what appeared to be bone meal. The only thingin common seemed to be—whether from long use or the nature of the object—that they all smelled just alike.
Now be it known that Datto Tanton had


an anting-anting of most wonderful power. Soon after my arrival | heard of it, and | noted that when any of his people spoke of his wonderful successes and escapes, the anting- anting always was brought forward as the ultimate explanation thereof. It was no absurdity. To thousands of human beings it was the corner-stone of his power, the ele- ment of awe that lay behind his dignity. Keen gray-haired men related to me things that had fallen under their own eyes; as, for instance, the shafts of spears that splintered in the air when the point approached his breast and bullets that flattened on the sail of his prau and dropped at his feet on deck. One day after a conference with several of the more important head-men, the conversa- tion turned on the power of Tanton’s anting- anting. Once more | was regaled with these never-ending tales and when my limit of boredom had been reached, | bethought me of my poor little four-leaf clover and casually remarked that | also possessed an anting- anting of somewhat superior power. Had |


sat. EZ
A SULU “DATTO” AND HIS ATTENDANTS
The gentleman with the turban is the lord and master of this rough looking group. where in the world, mere position does not guarantee power.
In the Sulu Archipelago, as else- The power of wealth, aided by one’s good right arm, is
needed to elevate a datto to real authority, but an “anting-anting”, or charm, is universally carried and believed in




Ww | ~ ~ < Oo Ww = % ee) > ° oa Oo Qa wl a < uw) o o4 ae] fo) es) 2) =) ° -_ w > io < = wW x= » ~ 2 © a <= Ww o) o4 2) = a x = 2) oa - a = Zz < = ° a 1) o w Zz io) 4 ie) o)
“* ANTING-ANTING ”
AS AN
”’ and told the most
“anting-anting
had an after losing some of his painfully acquired funds in the gambling
changed and he broke the bank
carried by the natives to ward off-evil and bring good luck. ced that he, too, i
announ
Later Datto Tanton secured the loan of five dollars from a storekeeper, and borrowed Colonel Cloman’s four-leafed
a charm not to be outdone by the natives,
anting , marvelous stories of its powers.
den of a Chinaman
The amazing result was that his luck
in the Sulu language
is
” ’
clover.
anting- Colonel Cloman
An “ee

Wild Humor at the Antipodes
dropped a hand grenade | could not have caused a greater sensation. | never had intimated this before, and thus holding it out on them had evidently increased the interest. Every eye was on me when an old chief finally said, “Tell us, Tuan, what it has done.” | was perfectly willing to continue the joke, my powers of invention were virile, and my audience was with me. Can you blame me if ] reeled off instance after instance of its power which made anything they ever had heard of Tanton’s charm seem like mere child’s play? When finally | ran out of deeds of derring-do, ] easily switched to its ability as a mascot ina poker game, and | am sure my old pals, had they heard me, would have wondered how they ever had skinned me with such a “ buck”’ in my possession.
To all this they listened with deep interest, and one old Maharajah bespoke the desire in every heart when he asked me if | would not show them this marvellous affair. | really was not sure that | still had it, but went into my bedroom and finally found it, looking most unimportant among the dusty buttons. | tried to prop up its dignity by wrapping it in successive layers of cotton wool and colored
495
silk, and enclosed the whole in a jeweler’s box. When | appeared and reversed the packing process, the removal of each wrapper was followed by grunts of excitement, and when at last the four leafed clover was re- vealed in all its delayed and impressive state, there was a veritable sensation in the court.
| had had my joke, and the chiefs departed. But little did | know that within forty-eight hours it would be the principal subject of conversation about every counsel-board and camp fire in the island group, and that each one of my stories about it would be treasured up and magnified in the true Malay way. When the ground-swell began to come back to me, | really was embarrassed that | had carried the joke so far. Tanton, probably from professional jealousy, never spoke to me on the subject, but it was perfectly evident from his demeanour that he had heard and thought much on this belated revelation.
Now, although the Koran permits four wives to each true believer, Tanton—I think more to show his power than anything else— had accumulated a diversified collection of fourteen of the same. Alas, too late he found that he had accumulated but trouble for


AN OLD SPANISH HOUSE ON SIASI ISLAND The Spaniards never had more than a precarious hold on the Sulu Islands, and Siasi Island, which lies about eighty
miles to the north and east of Bongao, was no exception to the rule.
Before the Americans took over the Archipelago,
Siasi Island had been abandoned by the Spaniards


Sydney A. Cloman

A SQUADRON OF THE FOURTH CAVALRY ON SULU ISLAND
These troopers were a part of the American force sent to occupy the Sulu Archipelago, but Colonel Cloman and his little command were all but marooned about 125 miles southwest of Sulu (or Jolo) Island, only 30 miles from Borneo
himself, and shortly before we arrived he had taken measures to restore the status quo ante in a truly characteristic way. He had cut his Gordian and matrimonial knot by simply installing his fourteen helpmates on fourteen different islands, while he lived alone on Bongao. By thus scattering the enemy forces and holding the command of the sea, he found the peace and independence that he loved so well. About once a month, he sent around a boat, chucked off a bag of rice, some cloth and a new ultimatum at each hut, and as a rule was left alone. The one exception was “Wife No. 1’’, as she was called. She was of royal birth and was in fact a sensible, independent, and worthy woman, and when she would take it into her head to run the blockade and land upon his coast, there was trouble in the old home. Her arrival was usually followed by a beating-up of comely slave girls, a scrapping of much loved old clothes and shoes, and a ceremony known in America as “cleaning house’’—a process as much hated there as it is here.
So one market day when Tanton wandered past my house in spick and span clothes and a general air of gloom, | was not at all surprised to hear that Wife No. 1 had made one of her peiiodical descents with the usual results. After hanging about my door for a few min- utes he proceeded toward the market-place with the air and gait made famous by the typical American boy on his way to the opening of the fall school term.
But if he was the picture of gloom then, how can | describe his appearance on his re-
turn half an hour later? For hours he sat on the edge of my porch gazing into vacancy, “the emptiness of ages in his face, and on his back the burden of the world.” I asked him several times what the trouble was, but it was late in the afternoon when he confessed.
His wife had arrived; but in addition to her usual unpleasantness, she finally had pronounced his household in a disgraceful condition, wormed out of him the amount of his entire wealth which was $25. Mex. and packed him off at once to the market to squander the whole sum on alleged necessaries. Hence the morning gloom.
Now the Moros were irrepressible gamblers, the favorite game being one of pure chance with a most unrighteous percentage against the player. and in the market-place was a Chinaman who furnished this form of relaxa- tion to one and all. It seems that Tanton had loitered to watch the game, guessed in his own mind several times exactly how they were running, and finally concluded to risk a dollar ortwoatsame. Evenif he lost, was a woman Allah that she could tell, say, $23 worth of goods from $25 worth? To hurry over the sad parts of the story, I simply will say that in a few minutes he was “cleaned.” Hence the afternoon gloom. The fact of the matter was that the old ex-pirate was simply afraid to go home. As | never have heard of this occurring elsewhere, | judge it to be an ex- clusively Malay sensation.
When late in the day he told me this pathetic tale, | hastily tried to forestall the logical back-kick by assuring him that he

Wild Humor at the Antipodes
already knew my unalterable _ resolution never to lend money to a native. He as- sured me that this was farthest from his thoughts, but that if my heart was not com- pletely hardened against him, he would beg my assistance in another way; and | then learned what he had been brooding about all day. He wanted me to lend him my anting-anting.
1 told him to use his own; he replied that while it was a real wonder when it came to killings and the ordinary events of life, it already had failed him several times in gambling. | told him he was broke; he re- plied that the storekeeper had promised the loan of $5 if he could get the use of my anting-anting as extra security against the game. | told him that he knew full well that an anting-anting could work only for its own proper lord and master; he replied that this was perfectly true of the ordinary article, but that he was sure that mine was so bountifully endowed with virtue that enough would spill over to get my friend out of trouble and con- found the pagan Chinaman. | hated to see the old fellow send good money after bad in this villainous game, but I saw that he would not be happy till he got it, and so finally gave in with reservations. | at least insisted on quick action and no toying with the soul- searing percentage. The odds in the game are 5 to1,2to1,andeven money. So! gave him the four leafed clover, told him to place it and the borrowed $5 on the 5 to 1 shot, and then quit at once if he happened to win. | also covered my retreat by a long dissertation on the fact that he was sure to lose as there
497
was no historical instance of a self respecting anting-anting working for other than its own master. So he wrapped the charm with great reverence and care in his neckerchief, and de- parted down the broad and easy path that led to the market-place.
| was not at all surprised when in a short time he returned, gave me back the clover- leaf, said that it had failed as | had predicted, and hastily took his boat for home.
He had no more than pushed off, however, than Abdallah, the chief of the market-place, appeared with mouth agrin from ear to ear and joyously hailed me with, “Oh, Tuan, There is great excitement in the market.” When asked what it was all about, he replied, “Datto Tanton, followed by a large crowd, entered the market and placed $5 and your anting-anting on the 5 to1 shotand won. He then bet many times on the different odds, and in only a short time broke the yellow infidel and won more than $130. Your anting-anting is surely of Allah!”
That is all. Except, after avoiding me for a few days, | finally cornered Tanton, assured him that he was the star liar of the tropics, and asked him why on earth he had not told me of his good luck. His reply was, “1 feared, Tuan, that you would ask me for half the money.”
And now | wonder while I am telling this as a joke on Tanton, if he has not told it often to his unholy crew as a joke on me. At least he got the money; and in both of our countries this seems to be the accepted criterion as to whom the joke is on.




TROOPERS OF THE FOURTH CAVALRY In the surf off Sulu (Jolo) Island. Colonel Cloman’s men were ordered not to enter the waters of Bongao unless at
least twenty men went in at once.
This was in order to have enough men about to frighten the sharks away


-
55 SI isc :

JUST ABOVE THE GRAND CANON THE COLORADO RIVER IS BEING HARNESSED
THE ELECTRIFICATION OF NORTH AMERICA
What the Super-Power Plan Means and How It Can Be Carried Out
By GENERAL GUY E. TRIPP
Chairman, Westinghouse Electric and Manufacturing Company
“NOME day, if the people of the United States and Canada desire it, a single “super-power’’ system will furnish electric energy to the greater part of the North American continent.
There is nothing visionary about this sys- tem. Its construction is entirelyfeasible with modern electrical apparatus; and if the matter lay wholly in the hands of the electrical indus- try, its eventual completion would be almost a certainty. But so colossal a project direct- ly concerns the public; and unless proper leg- islative action is taken as a result of popular demand, the system cannot come into exis- tence. Consequently the question—“ Shall we or shall we not have a single super-power system ?’’—is sooner or later bound to become an important national issue; and since the future of America will be profoundly influenc- ed by the answer, the salient facts of the case should be of general interest.
Water power is the foundation on which the single super-power system rests. More than 65,000,000 horsepower of waterpower is available in North America; and of this total, only about 10,000,000 horsepower is being util- ized, whereas more than 50,000,000 horse- power is being generated by means of steam. As is now generally recognized, this proportion of steam power towater poweris altogether too high. For several very excellent reasons water power should be utilized wherever possible.
In the first place, the use of water power saves fuel and conserves our never-to-be-re- placed resources of coal and oil.
It also conserves human labor. A steam plant not only requires a larger operating staff than a water-power plant of the same capacity but it must also have the services of many men to mine and transport to it the necessary coal. It is estimated that to produce a given amount of power by steam twenty times as

The Electrification of North America
many men are required as to produce it by water, and that upward of a half a million men would be released for other duties if it were possible entirely to replace steam power with water power.
A properly built hydro-electric plant is, moreover, a permanent asset. Its chief con- struction work (the dam, power-house, etc.) can be made as enduring as the hills; and its machinery, being able to transform into power more than go per cent. of the available energy of the water, is in little danger of being super- seded by improved types. Steam machinery, on the other hand, has an almost continuous history of replacement through improvement, and since the best of our modern steam appar- atus has a working efficiency of hardly more than 16 per cent. there is no reason to believe that the end of this process has been reached.
National economy, therefore, demands the general development of our water power. But water power, unlike steam power, is not fully under human control. One of the char-
acteristics of the majority of our rivers is that

THE ROOSEVELT DAM While this dam was intended primarily as part of an irrigation project it, with the other works of the Salt River Project, develops 23,000 electric horsepower.
for irrigation work and partly for industrial purposes
About 75 miles from Phoenix, Arizona.
499
the flow varies greatly from season to season. Many ariver that can generate 500,000 horse- power in the spring is unable to produce 20,000 horsepower in seasons of extreme drought; and if such river forms the sole source of power for an electric system, only its “all-year-around” power, or minimum, can be utilized advan- tageously, and most of the excess must be wasted.
The individual development of the majority of our water powers is, therefore, out of the question. How, then, can rivers be utilized? By connecting several water powers together into a single system, and by feeding into the same system power from one or more supple- mentary steam plants. The variations in the flow of the water powers tend to counteract each other, especially if the water powers be- long to different drainage systems; while the steam plants, which are operated only when needed to make good deficiencies in the water power, assure a definite maximum amount of power at all times with the minimum consump- tion of fuel. Such a composite system, which

© Kunselman
This electricity is used partly





General Guy E. Tripp





A SUGGESTED SUPER-POWER SYSTEM FOR NORTH AMERICA
The lines shown represent the main power trunks and will, for the most part, carry current at 220,000 volts.
low-voltage distributing systems are not indicated.
Local
None of the lines will be built until economically justified; but practically all of those east of the Mississippi could be advantageously put into service at the present time, while certain of the California lines are already in operation
at 220,000 volts.
The lines indicate approximately the structure of the Eastern and Western super-power systems that will prob- ably first come into existence, together with the trans-continental connections which will be installed at some later
date to unify the two systems.
Canadian connections are not shown, but owing to the fact that Canada has much more water power than she will be able to use for generations to come, it will undoubtedly prove to her advantage to share her surplus with the
United States.
must necessarily be of large dimensions, is known as a “super-power’’ system. It not only forms the most efficient method of util- izing water power, but also possesses certain other advantages.
Obviously, the transmission lines of a super- power system must form a network covering a considerable area, and thus electric service is made available to many people, especially in the rural districts, who otherwise could not get it. Furthermore, as with other commodi- ties, the large scale productionand distribution of power by a single system makes possible many economies that are unobtainable with a number of small independent systems of equal output. Of growing importance is the fact that a super-power system can advantageous- ly use power from any economical source gen- erated within the area covered by it. Take
the case of a steel plant for example. The gases driven off from the coke ovens and the blast furnaces form an excellent fuel, but a large proportion of them is ordinarily wasted. If, however, the lines of a super-power system pass near the plant, power can be produced by the gases and fed into the system, thereby reducing the amount of power that must be supplied by the system’s supplementary steam plants.
It is evident, therefore, that a super-power system can produce power at a lower cost and distribute it to a larger number of people than can an equivalent of small independent sys- tems. But what are the technical and econ- omic limitations to its size?
There are none except those imposed by the topography of our continent. In fact, by means of a single super-power system, extend-


The Electrification
ing from ocean to ocean and receiving power from every waterfall, from the waste products of industry, and from all other economical sources, including huge steam plants of the most efficient type placed in the coal regions and other favorable locations, we shall be able to distribute the maximum amount of power obtainable from our resources to the largest number of people at the lowest possible cost.
It is not too much to say that this would bring about a new era of progress in America. The prosperity of any country, though based upon its natural resources and the character of its people, is dependent upon the available power supply. The pioneers upon our shores, though surrounded by abundance, endured countless hardships because they lacked the power to convert raw materials into utilities; and it was not until more than two centuries later, after a number of our rivers had been harnessed and the steam engine invented, that America began to be transformed from a land of poverty into one of plenty. Since then,
our achievements have been unprecedented—
of North America 501 but each step of our advancement was made possible by power.
To-day, as economists point out, our wages and our standards of living are the highest in the world largely because our workmen use more power than those of other countries. Great Britain, with about one half our ratio of 3.25 horsepower per wage-earner, pirys wages that average one half of ours; while the other nations, with much smaller ratios, pay correspondingly lower wages and live in ac- cordance with correspondingly lower stand- ards. If, therefore, by means of the single super-power system, our capacity for doing useful work is multiplied to the greatest pos- sible extent, we should be able to realize the greatest measure of prosperity.
Specifically, the vast amount of widely dis- tributed, inexpensive electric power provided by the single super-power system will do the following things for us:
It will enable us to make the fullest use of labor-saving machinery in every industry, thereby increasing the incomes of the workers

|
A HYDRO-ELECTRIC PLANT NEAR SPOKANE
This dam in the Spokane River makes a lake 23 miles long.
The fall of 150 feet operates an electric power plant.
rhis river, within the city limits of Spokane, has a descent of another 150 feet, mainly in two falls, which affords still more power that is utilized by factories and traction lines and for lighting the city


ee «Sane.

















































Ke 5

General Guy E. Tripp
It will also aid our national defense. One of the greatest difficulties experienced during the late war was to secure sufficient power to pro- duce essential materials in the vast quantities re- quired. Almost all of our power plants were small and scattered, and there was no way of combining their outputs so as to make large scale produc- tion possible. With a single super-power sys- tem in operation, how- ever, any proportion of its capacity can be allot- ted to war work in emer- gencies. Ample power thus being obtainable, war industries of any size can be brought into being with maximum speed and operated with aminimum amount of labor. They

AUSABLE CHASM
can, moreover, be located wherever desired, thus
A popular natural wonder in New York State. The water power generated by such : : : streams as this is more and more being utilized to generate electricity. The plan to making it possible to connect all the major generating plants in the country in one gigantic systemhas avoid a repetition of that
come to be called the “‘super-power plan”’
and decreasing the cost of the products of labor for the consumers.
It will permit the electrification of many of our railroads and will also reduce to a mini- mum the tonnage of fuel to be hauled. For both of these reasons, theefficiency of our trans- portation system will be greatly improved. It wi!l, by making industry and comfortable liv- ing conditions possible almost anywhere, tend to draw the people out of the congested cities and distribute them throughout the country.
It will provide the farmer with an ideal means of doing a large part of his work and give him welcome relief from his labor diffi- culties. It will also serve him by greatly re- ducing the price of fertilizer, for with ample supplies of cheap power, fertilizer can be man- ufactured at an exceedingly low cost.
Not the least of its benefits will be the light- ening of the tasks of the housekeeper by making possible the universal use of electric cooking and labor-saving devices.
cardinal military error— the production of the major portion of our war supplies in the most vulnerable parts of the country.
We shall, it is true, survive and thrive with- out the single super-power system, but until it is completed, we shall not be able to utilize our resources to the utmost advantage. In the meantime, the system is being developed more rapidly than most people are aware. Because of the economic and technical ad- vantages of large systems, the present tenden- cy in the electric light and power industry is to consolidate or interconnect adjacent sys- tems; and as a result, super-power systems of considerable size have already been formed along the Pacific Coast, the Southeastern states, New England, and the Northwest. Others are in the process of formation in western Pennsylvania, the Middle West, and elsewhere. Continued development along these same lines, including high-tension inter- connections between adjacent super-power systems, will bring into being two large











The Electrification of North America 503 ur super-power systems, one covering the coun- is manifestly out of the question with an of try east of the Mississippi and the other west interstate system, but attempts may be made ies of the Great Plains. Then if, some time in to bring about Federal ownership. The au- he the future, transcontinental lines join these ~ thority of the Federal Government, however, ire two systems together, the single-system will does not extend beyond national lands, bound- ro- be consummated. ary waters, and navigable rivers. It could als At the same time, the development of our not, under present laws, control the power de- re- water powers is going ahead as rapidly as pos- veloped by non-navigable streams, to say ur sible. Little could be done along this line nothing of steam plants. Any attempt on the all until certain prohibitive restrictions were part of the Federal Government to extend its are withdrawn by the present Federal Water Pow- control would be promptly resisted by the ng er Act passed in 1917; but there are now on_ states with the support of public opinion, to file with the commission created by the Act which sees the danger to our Republic in the Ic- applications for the development of more than growing tendency of the Federal authorities
a 20,000,000 horsepower of water power. to interfere in local affairs. IS Even complete and detailed plans for the But assuming that suitable legislation were to w- final system have been prepared. These plans eliminate these political obstacles, many more of are the work of Mr. Frank G. Baum, a hydro- of a different nature would still be left. Few t= electric engineer of long experience, and have people seem anxious for the Government to >r- been made available to the industry with the reassume control of the railroads or continue er assistance of the Westinghouse Electric and that of the merchant marine. Yet, in com- le, Manufacturing Company. Guided by these parison with the management of the single ze plans, or by some modification of them, elec- super-power system, the management of these ng tric light and power com- nd panies in the remotest im parts of the country can ey carry on new construc- ed tion and extensions with 1s the assurance that, when to the time comes, their sys- at tems will be able to take = their proper places in the he single system. st But the single super- power system will never h- come into existence un- il less the way is prepared le for it by suitable legisla- in tion. This legislation d must not only permit the e. creation of a nation-wide -. net work of transmission 1- lines and the interchange is of power between states, . Ss but it must also fulfil cer- fm of tain other indispensable ; d conditions. ‘ n Chief among these is ‘. t. that the ownership and n operation of the single FF d super-power system must ig be in private hands and - not be vested in any gov- AN ELECTRIC TRAIN IN THE ROCKIES al ernment agency. Muni- Driven by the Missouri River which generates electric ze cipal or state ownership power at Greaz Falls, Montana, for the use of the railroad












































General Guy E. Tripp

THE GREAT FALLS DAM
At Great Falls, Montana, where the Missouri River generates the electricity to drive the trains of the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul Railway across the Rocky Mountains
industries is simplicity itself, for they are fully matured.
But assume that the Government was able, in some extraordinary manner, to operate such a complex business with acceptable efficiency. Even then there would be no super-power system worth the name, and for this reason. The super-power system, to serve the public in the most effective and economical manner, must supply power for all purposes and par- ticularly to those users who consume it in immense quantities. But no great industry would dare risk its future by depending on a government-owned system for its power, be- cause the contracts of any government-owned agency can be nullified by political action.
But, though the single super-power system must be under private control, it must be under government regulation in order to pre- vent the exploitation of the public in any man- ner whatsoever. This regulation, however, must be constructive and stimulating, and not restrictive. We have so regulated the railroads that few improvements and exten- sions have been made in the last decade, and the chief loss under this policy falls, not on the railroads, but on the public. This mistake must not be repeated in the case of the nation’s power system.
Among the important provisions of the reg- ulatory laws must be those that will enable the system to secure money at the lowest
rates of interest. Fixed charges form as high as 80 per cent. of the cost of producing pow- er by means of water power, and they are also an important element in the cost of steam power. If, because of unsuitable legislation, the super-power system has to pay high rates of interest for the money borrowed for con- struction work and other purposes, this cost must be passed on to the consumer in the rates charged for power. But the great value of the super-power system depends upon its ability to supply power at a low cost, and any- thing that would cause an increase in the rates above the essential minimum would be contrary to public interest. Low interest on borrowed capital being the result of sound cre- dit, there must be no legislation that will tend to injure the credit of the super-power system.
In this question of regulation lies the most difficult problem that we have to solve in con- nection with super-power development. For- tunately, we are not compelled to solve it all at once. There is ample time to study the sub- ject and gain experience with the regulation of the smaller super-power systems as they de- velop. The one essential is to remember that the aim in view is the maximum prosperity of the nation and of every inhabitant of it. If this is done, the proper solution of the problem will be found, and it will only be a question of time before America comes into the full enjoyment of her magnificent power resources.



“THE FLEET GRIDIRON”
What the Naval War College at Newport Really Does
By REAR-ADMIRAL WILLIAM S. SIMS
E attention of the press has re-
cently been called to the Naval War
College at Newport, and the com-
ments brought forth by this tem-
porary interest show a practically
complete misconception of the nature of the College and, consequently, almost no real- ization of its really vital importance to the efficiency of the fleet and the Navy as a whole.
Generally speaking, these comments show that the college is considered “a sort of post graduate school for training officers in the theory of naval tactics’; “that men who do not take an academic training manage to educate themselves along the same lines with such success that they are equal or superior to the graduates of the college.”’ One editor referred to it as “some college that Admiral Sims thinks a lot of.”’ Some con- fused it with the elementary Naval Academy for our cadets at Annapolis. Others located it in Washington. Almost all assume that my interest in the college is personal, due to my having recently been its president. Practically all expressed solicitude for “jus- tice”’ to individual officers, but few were at all concerned over justice to the Navy or to the country. The vital question of the fighting efficiency of our fleet and the in- tegrity of our national defenses seemed to escape attention. With no exceptions the press assumes that the War College teaches only the theory of war; that its instruction is not practical, does not lead to practical action.
In view of these misapprehensions, and of the great importance of a subject which so vitally concerns our national defenses, it seems advisable to try to make this matter clear.
The real nature of the College and its vital importance to the efficiency of the navy are shown by the following statements by emi- nent authorities:
In 1892, Admiral Mahan delivered an ad- dress, as President of the College, entitled
THE PRACTICAL CHARACTER OF THE NAVAL War COLLEGE, a masterly explanation that the training at the College is so entirely practical that it teaches and trains its students “how to act, how to do our fighting, either in the broader domain of strategy, or in the more limited field of tactics, whether of the single ship or the fleet.’”’ He further states that “Navies exist for war’’, and asks this question: “Is this.neglect to master the experience of the past, to elicit, formulate, and absorb its principles, is it ‘practical’? Is it ‘practical’ to wait till the squall strikes before shortening sail? If the object and aim of the College is to promote such study, to facilitate such results, to foster and dissemi- nate such ideas, can it be reproached that its purpose is not ‘practical’?
“The day of grace is still with us—or with those who shall be the future captains and admirals. There is time yet for study; there is time to imbibe the experience of the past, to become imbued, steeped in the eternal principles of war, by the study of its history and of the maxims of its masters. But the time of preparation will pass—some day the time of action will come. Can an admiral [then] sit down and reénforce his intellectual grasp of the problem before him by a study of history, which is simply a study of past experience?”
In 1909, in his REMINISCENCES OF SERVICE AT THE WAR COLLEGE, Admiral Mahan re- ferred to the College as follows: “Year by year, as professional vision expanded, the course would increase like a rolling snowball, by gathering to itself questions of warlike activity, concerning which men would never think but for the stimulus of the College, existing for such ends only’’; and he referred explicitely to “the dangerously plausible contention that the College was in the nature of a post-graduate course.”
In 1884, Secretary of the Navy W. E. Chandler issued an order establishing at Newport a Naval War College “intended to


500
complete the curriculum by adding to an ex- tent never heretofore undertaken, the study of naval warfare and international law and their cognate branches.” This order was based upon the report of a board, consisting of Commodore Luce, Commander Sampson, and Lieutenant-Commander (now Rear- Admiral) Goodrich, which declared that “although the science of war cannot be mastered through the agency of books alone, yet a complete study of the operations of war, both on land and at sea, by which the princi- ples of the science have been illustrated practi- cally, is absolutely essential to the proper education of the officers whose life is dedicated to the profession of arms.”
In an address at the College in 1896, Secre- tary of the Navy H. A. Herbert said: “The opinion was once widely entertained that this College was intended for a post-graduate course and that, this being so, it should be located, if allowed to exist at all, at the Naval Academy. | was of this opinion myself until three years ago on a personal visit | inspected its workings and examined fully into its plans and purposes. Then I . dis- covered that it is in no sense a post-graduate course; that not only are the theory and art of war being thoroughly studied and developed here, but knowledge is being acquired and practical information is being amassed without which the Navy Department cannot possibly, in the event of war, utilize the naval resources of our country.
“Ships and guns and torpedoes and men are all of little use unless officers know how to fight them. Individual ships, however bravely and skillfully they may be handled and fought, can accomplish but little if the officers do not know when, where, and how to dispose them. Further than this, plans of attack and defense must be de- vised. A study of these and of still other problems constitute the work which, | am glad to say from a careful personal in- spection of results, you have been successfully performing during the years just passed.”
It is interesting to note that one of the most important factors in converting Secretary Herbert to a belief in the value of the College was a practical example of the results it had produced, as will be seen from the following incident.
Admiral Mahan’s books, THE INFLUENCE
Rear-Admiral William S. Sims
oF SEA Power Upon History, and THE INFLUENCE OF SEA PowER UPON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND EmpiIRE, classics that have been translated into the languages of every maritime power, were developed at the Col- lege. Upon a certain occasion, in August, 1893, Secretary Herbert, having been per- suaded by his naval advisors that the War College was nothing but a “high-brow” institution, “set sail” for Newport on the Dolphin for the purpose of abolishing it. He was given Mahan’s books to read on the way and they converted him from an opponent into an enthusiastic advocate. “When I started out on this trip,” Secretary Herbert declared, “I meant to break up the War College but now | intend to do all I can to assist it.” He explained, in effect, that that work, alone, was worth more than all the War College had cost.
In 1911, Admiral Luce, the founder of the College, published an address on THE TRUE RELATION BETWEEN THE DEPARTMENT OF THE Navy AND THE NAvAL War COLLEGE, in which occur the following statements: “Through want of understanding the im- portance of the War College, together with a misconception of its true character as an educational institution, the Navy Depart- ment has failed to reap a tithe of the benefits the College had to offer.”” This was of course the result of the opposition of the naval advisors of the various secretaries. In this connection Admiral Luce published in the same year another address: ON THE RELATION BETWEEN THE U. S. NAvaAL War COLLEGE AND THE LINE OFFICERS OF THE U. S. Navy, in which he declared that: “the great ma- jority of line officers have, so far, failed to appreciate its value as an educational insti- tution” and he pointed out the necessity of “placing the naval administration on a war footing, and providing higher professional education,”” and “the double necessity of passing the greatest possible number through the mill; first to prepare the many for the higher commands which will come to them in their professional career; secondly to dis- cover the few fitted to fulfil the requirements of the Office of Naval Operations.”
In spite of the advocacy of various Secre- taries of the Navy, and the efforts of such eminent officers as Admirals Luce and Mahan, the War College was so strenuously and so successfully opposed by the senior officers



— OO OE elt Se
ad
-_
L L $ l 5
af
“The Fleet Gridiron”

THE NAVAL WAR COLLEGE AT NEWPORT, R. I. It is here that officers of the Navy study international law and the problems that demand practical solutions in time of war, and here miniature fleets are actually manceuvred on huge tables and practical, tactical, and strate- gical problems solved
of the navy that until about a dozen years ago there were practically no students assigned to it. In the address just quoted Admiral Luce stated that: “In the twenty-six years of its existence [since 1885] it has never had a class of officer students!’’ Very few officers were assigned to classes immediately after i911. The result was that on January first of the year we entered the Great War but two of the thirty-one rear admirals then on the list were graduates of the Naval War College, though two others had served as president. Within the last few years, classes of increased size have been sent to the College, and there are now on the active list 206 officers, in- cluding 24 of the 45 rear admirals, who are graduates. The naval service has begun to understand the vital importance of the practi- cal training the War College affords.
The testimony of the eminent authorities quoted above should make it clear that our Naval War College is an institution that has no parallel in civil life. Not only is it not at all in the nature of a post-graduate school, but as a matter of fact it is not a college at all. As I stated in an address delivered at the College in 1919, “It is not a college at all in the ordinary sense of the term. . . It
has no fixed policy. Neither its head nor its staff is permanent. They are fleet officers and are continually being replaced by other officers from the fleet. The College is, in effect, a part of the fleet, and it exists solely for the fleet.
“You should thus recognize that this is not really a college. Perhaps it would be better if it had never been so designated, for in reality this assemblage is nothing but a board of practical fleet officers brought together here to discuss and decide the extremely important question of how we would best conduct naval war under the various conditions that may arise.
“You should think of this board as belong- ing to the fleet—as being what you might call a fleet board on strategy and tactics, fte- quently making reports to the fleet and the service upon these vital subjects.
“You should never lose sight of the fact that we are all practical fleet officers; that we shall go back to the fleet and be replaced by others from the fleet; that our work is wholly practical, because we base our conclusions upon our own experience and upon that of those who have gone before us; and that there- fore there can be nothing theoretical about

508
the principles of fighting that we decide to be the correct ones, or about the methods we devise for carrying them into effect.
“The principles of the war game constitute the backbone of our profession. All other kinds of nautical knowledge and experience, for example, that required for handling ships, manceuvring fleets, etc., will avail us nothing when it comes to war if we have not learned the game; that is, if we do not know how to handle naval forces, both strategically and tactically, at least as well as our oppo- nents.
“This game, like all games, can be learned only by playing it. The mere study of the art of war, even though very thorough, will no more make you competent in the practice of strategy and tactics than book knowledge of golf and tennis will make you good players. It is for this reason that the college insists not only upon the study of the art of war, but also upon the practice of it in chart manceuvres and upon the tactical game board.”
The significance of these statements is that in no possible way, except through training at the College, can our officers become compe- tent to handle a great modern fleet. No amount of study can make even a man of great intellectual capacity efficient in playing the games of football or tennis or chess or war unless he practices these games. Football and tennis and chess can be practiced to any desired extent under actual conditions; but we cannot use our entire great fleet to prac- tice the infinitely more complicated game of war—to train the minds of our officers—either in the kind or to the extent of either the tactics or the strategy that would be required in war against an enemy having a fleet similar to ours; and this for the very simple reason that, as | stated in 1912 in a paper on THE PRACTICAL CHARACTER OF THE NAVAL War CoL_eceE, “the fleet cannot be continuously used as a means of acquiring this essential mental training, except to a very limited ex- tent in the practice of minor problems . and “even the most extensive practice of minor problems cannot do much more than train the mind in the application of such knowledge as is already possessed.”
At the Naval War College our entire fleet with all of its auxiliaries, cruisers, destroyers, submarines, airplanes, troop transports, and supply vessels, can be manceuvred on the game board week after week throughout the
Rear-Admiral William S. Sims
college year against a similar fleet represent- ing a possible enemy—all operations and tactical battles being governed by rules, based upon the experience of practical fleet officers, and upon the immutable principles of strategy and tactics that the students are required to learn. There is no other service in the career of a naval officer that can possibly afford this essential training. In no way can this training be had except by assembling about a game board a large body of experi- enced officers divided into two groups and “fighting” two great modern fleets against each other—not once, or a few times, but continually until the application of the correct principles becomes as rapid and as automatic as the plays of an expert football team. This and the allied studies require the entire time and energies of the student officers throughout one whole year of intensive study. Many of the war games require more than a week to play. The College is in reality THE FLEET GripIRON—the mental training field for the fleet’s future commanders. In no other way can there be developed a doctrine of war, which the great naval operations of modern fleets require, because the commander- in-chief would often not be within sight of one- tenth of his vessels covering an area of hun- dreds of square miles.
The limitations of space, equipment, and particularly of time, make impossible the carrying out of such continuous and extensive training by the hard worked officers serving in the fleet. At most, they can play minor games of a few hours duration to illustrate general principles and the technique of college methods. This will of course be of a certain amount of use to officers who subsequently go to the college; but such fleet games, necessarily limited in extent and time, cannot in any sense supply the adequate mental training necessary for handling our entire fleet in war.
When the Atlantic and Pacific sections of our fleet come together for a few days once a year, the so-called manoeuvres they can carry out, even if not restricted by lack of appropri- ations for fuel, considered as training in battle strategy and tactics, are necessarily of trifling value compared to the year’s continuous training in using both fleets on the College game board. To assume that such yearly manoeuvres can fit an officer efficiently to handle our entire naval forces in war is

“‘The Fleet
precisely as absurd as to assume that playing a single yearly game of football with four men on a side can fit a man to be captain of a foot- ball team, no matter what his ability nor how thorough his knowledge of the principles of the game acquired from books on the sub- ject.
The situation would be less dangerous if our naval officers who are not graduates of the College were acquainted with naval history and with the vital principles of the great game of war which they should know and be trained to apply. In this respect it may be assumed that they are in the same position as regards the most important branch of their professional education as were British naval officers in 1911. Mr. Winston Churchill states in his book THE WorLpD Crisis that when he went to the Admiralty as First Lord he “found that there was no moment in the career and training of a naval officer where he was obliged to read a single book about naval war or pass even the most rudimentary examination in naval history. The Royal Navy had made no important contribution to naval literature. The standard work on Sea Power was written by an American Admiral [Admiral Mahan]. The best ac-
counts of British sea fighting and naval
strategy were compiled by an English civilian [Sir Julian Corbett]. “The Silent Service’ was not mute because it was absorbed in thought and study, but because it was weighted down by its daily routine and by its ever compli- cated and diversifying technique. We had competent administrators, brilliant experts of every description, unequalled navigators, good disciplinarians, fine sea officers, brave and devoted hearts: but at the outset of the conflict we had more captains of ships than captains of war. In this will be found the explanation of many untoward events.” We had a similar experience in the Great War.
If there is any doubt about the deficiency
Gridiron”’ 509
of our non-graduates in this respect, the state of their information upon these vital subjects may be—and should be—determined by the Examining Board requiring candidates for promotion to submit a list of the books on the principles of warfare and on naval history that they have read, and requiring them to give a brief summary of the contents of at least one of the books mentioned, selected by the Board.
From the above examination of this im- portant subject, | believe it is established upon sufficient authority that:
1. The naval War College is a thoroughly practical institution.
. The training the College provides is essential to
the efficiency of the fleet and of the navy as a whole.
. This essential training cannot be acquired in any place or in any way, outside of a War College where officers can give their whole time and energy to it.
. It is physically impossible to acquire by service in the fleet the training necessary to handle successfully our entire naval forces in war.
Leaving out of consideration the statements of the authorities quoted herein, it would seem that conviction as to the necessity of training at the War College is a matter of such ordi- nary common sense that | was fully justified in stating, in an address delivered at the College last year, that: “No officer can here- after exercise high command with the confi- dence and respect of the service unless he has attended the course at the College that is maintained for the sole purpose of insuring efficient direction of our navy as a whole.”
An officer whose mind has not been trained on “The Fleet Gridiron” at Newport has no more right to be the “captain” and the trainer of our great naval Battle Team than a cadet untrained in football has a right to be the captain and the trainer of our Naval Academy football team.



THE SUCCESS OF OUR SUCCESSORS
Il. THE FAITH OF THE FOUNDERS
The Surprising Proposal of the Men of ’Seventy-six to Train
a Race of Rulers.
Persistence of Their Idea that Even
the Childless Should Pay for the Schooling of the Young By WILLIAM McANDREW
For eight months the Wor.pv’s Work has had more than two hundred volunteers collecting facts and photographs in widely separated sections of the country so as to present a summary of things now being done by the American people to prepare the young actors for the next scene. In this series Mr. McAndrew, whom the magazine has sent into forty states, will deliver what he gathered from public men, bearing on their ideas of the objects of the American Union and will show what the public is doing to realize these purposes —THE Epitors.
INETEEN of the twenty-one Fourth-of-July speeches, which were reported in the newspapers that come to our branch of the public library, played variations on themes in the minor key. “Harding flays enemies within U. S.” was a heading in the Tribune. “Governor Smith,” said the Times “warns of foes within.” “The country’s enemies are tinkers of the Constitution” said Depew to the Arkansans. Conboy warned the Knights of Columbus of the danger of national suicide. Lieutenant-Governor Bing- ham, according to the Mail, exhorted his Connecticut neighbors to “resist the over- throw of standards of decency and morality or our proud nation will descend to the level of savage tribes where might makes right and every man’s hand is against his fellow.”’
Give me the files of a long established journal and | can trace a blue streak back to the beginning: Rabbi Hirsch, telling Chicago- ans that the hopes of the Fathers have been bitterly disappointed; Richard Watson Gilder describing the grief of a fine old friend who spent many moments actually weeping when he thought of his country; Seward in 1870 seeing us “in danger of losing our holy zeal’; Alexander H. Stephens in:’sixty-six dreading “the sway of sectional passion to bring the star of hope to its setting on liberty’s darkened shore’’; and in 1844, Story calling upon young men to resist encroachment upon their liberties. From Franklin, most cheerful of men, we learn of “enemies waiting with con-

fidence to see the break up of the nation’; and Washington himself, after forty-seven years of service to his country, recounts “passions misleading, appearances deceiving, situations marked by failure.” A_ gentle- man from Westchester County has a letter from one of his ancestral relatives to another in which, written in Philadelphia on the sixth of July, 1776, is the opinion that “this land is going straightway to perdition.”
Whether these warnings are due to prudence or to atrophied glands authorities will differ. Men over fifty are addicted to seeing shadows.
YOUTH NOT GIVEN TO THE MINOR KEY
DIFFERENT note sounds in the last Harvard graduation when young Best of Evanston, living up to his name, makes the senior oration a dialogue between aged cyni- cism and youth, and has Hope, Confidence, Self-reliance, and Enthusiasm hold the field. The lad’s votive cup, holding such cheering potion as unspoiled juvenility feels to be proper when celebrating things American, could be similarly filled from a long line of springs extending to our national beginning. The Knights of St. Patrick hilariously cheered themselves and him when General Sherman said, “I am convinced that on the whole we are quite as good as our fathers, even though the telegraph collects the murders and robberies of the four quarters of the globe and serves them at our breakfasts; whereas our ancestors heard only of those in the neighbor- hood.” Mr. Cleveland predicted the con-


The Success of Our Successors
tinuance of this nation “through all the years to come.” In those days we were singing “The Union forever,” “Oh thus be it ever,” “Long may our land be bright.” Webster’s prediction for the Republic was “to the end of time.” Curtis’s “a thousand years and thereafter.” John Quincy Adams’s, “from age to age till time shall be no more.” Samuel Adams’s “forever,” Jackson’s “in perpe- tuity,” Whittier’s “through centuries long,” Jefferson’s “to the end of history.”
A Princeton professor shows that of these two types of exhortation the calamity style fails with youth. The young men are for getting out the colors on holidays, the old are prone to leave the flag in the drawer with the moth balls. School children left to them- selves cover their papers with bright banners of the Republic. Fear-of-hell preaching fails with vigorous men. Longfellow was young when he waved aside national danger as “ but the flapping of a sail.” Young men at races, although they go to great pains for prepara- tion, avoid warning their teams of failure. They do not cry “look out” or “take care” or “you’re losing.” But old men, so it is
said, read muckraking articles with avidity as if with satisfaction at wrong doing. They grieve over what Mark Twain, in his old age
called “the damned human race.” Towns are cleaned up politically as they are physi-
511
cally by the positives—not by the negatives. A few men plant flowers and trees, trim their lawns, and keep their homes painted. The tidiness spreads. Franklin in Philadelphia, Jones and Whitlock in Toledo, Stranahan in Brooklyn, Couzens in Detroit, Brecken- ridge in San Antonio, push some constructive idea. It proves to be catching.
It is easy to list the agencies proposing a positive plan for the national upkeep. The Democratic party and the Republican party head the list. The Fathers devised an ingenious and unsuccessful device to prevent their existence. Washington dreaded them as the greatest national danger. As illus- trated in them, “politics,” one of the high class words in the language, has suffered seri- ous damage. There are some two hundred or more citizens unions, good government clubs, and civic leagues located in the larger towns and devoted to the unsavory duty of sanita- tion of the parties. | rate them high as planners of the upkeep. The American Legion’s announcement advertises the pur- pose of “training for good citizenship; to lead individuals to adjust themselves to civic requirements’; the Knights of Columbus de- vote themselves “to service to God, to country, and to fellow man.” Rotary, Ki- wanis, Lions clubs stress their civic service. The wide spread Chautauqua movement was



IT IS OUR YOUNG ONES WHO ARE FOR GETTING OUT THE COLORS
The old are prone to leave the flag in the drawer with the moth balls. These are boys from the Lane Technical High School in Chicago

512
started, so said founder Vincent, “aiming ata pure and exalted patriotism.”” The Woman’s Temperance Union was organized on the basis of “preserving the capacity of the masses for self-government.” “Active and constructive citizenship” are cited as their chief aims by the promoters of the Boy and Girl Scout move- ments. Ira Nelson Morris resigns as U. S. Minister to head “Uncle Sam’s_ voters,” designed “to unite intelligent, patriotic thought on civic problems.” Frederick Goff, in Cleveland, puts his money into the “Com- munity Trust’ to finance movements looking toward the realization of the highest American ideals. There is a respectable number of Americans thinking of the upkeep and plan- ning for it.
Illuminating all their resolutions and ad- justments is their intention of perpetuity. Here is the element that gives the epic flavor even to the personal letters of the first Ameri-
William McAndrew
cans and enables us, a century and a half later, to read and reread in the way that the devout get strength out of the Holy Scriptures.
THE FOUNDERS HAD PLANS
bpp meagan “The time is come when a system of universal education ought to be adopted in the United States. In a country governed by the sense of the com- munity, the people must be enlightened.”
Franklin: “ Education is essential to supply succeeding ages with men qualified to serve the public.”
John Adams: “It must be the care of the public to educate every rank and class in the practice of their moral duties as men and citizens.”
Jefferson: “ There is no safe deposit of the propensities of government but with the people themselves. A system of general in- struction must reach every description of our people from richest to

THE JEFFERSON STATUE BY KARL BITTER This statue at the University of Virginia commemorates the early beginning of higher education as a governmental duty
poorest.”’
Jay: “Nothing should be left undone to afford education to all ranks of the people.”
Madison: “ Peoplewho mean to be their own governors must be edu- cated.”’
Monroe: “Every dis- trict in all its members must possess the knowl- edge necessary to qualify them to discharge with credit and effect those great duties of citizens on which our govern- ment depends.”
I should know how successive public men regarded these unique proposals. I can ask them through the me- dium of a book, Expres- stons of American States- men, Which Henry Evans of the Department of the Interior has compiled. | can hear Clinton in 1847 saying: The first duty of government is educa- tion. A system of public schools is the palladium


The Success of Our Successors

’
“THE LAWN”,
UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA,
. : a pal
= aa ONE . 2
‘ iil | i
CHARLOTTESVILLE
Jefferson counted the Declaration of Independence and the University of Virginia, which he founded, his greatest achievements, and considered them similar in purpose
of our freedom. A fundamental error is to confine the light of education to the wealthy.” 1 can listen to Webster declaring in 1837: “education, necessary to accomplish the ends of good government, must be universally diffused.” Thaddeus Stevens in 1835 de- mands “schooling for every citizen.”” Everett in 1850 proposes popular education to save society. One is justified to take the words of Lincoln calling public education “the most important thing which we, the people, are engaged in” as speaking for now as well as then. The public utterances of Grant, of Hayes, of Garfield, of Arthur, of Cleveland, of Harrison, of McKinley, of Roosevelt, of Taft, of Wilson, when the presidents fulfilled any call to summarize the condition of the country, repeated the American doctrine that continuing the commonwealth depends upon systematic training of the coming generations in the national faith.
Why need one offer these old propositions which present so little variation? Why must Mr. Harding repeat the first president’s plan to continue the commonwealth by means of “‘a system of universal education?” Possibly it is because the means is so much older than the purpose that ancient objectives of schools persist to confuse the American conception of their function as a part of the national system of self government. Mr. Mann found the national purpose neglected two genera- tions after the republic was launched. A stu- dent of law, recognized as a statesman, found
that what the Makers had considered as of “primary importance’ in “supplying the succeeding age with citizens” was being de- voted to purveying a brand of mediaeval learning compiled in foreign monarchies not for democracy nor for any civic service at all. “Children who are soon to be the State,” as he called them, he found the victims of a system devised to promote not citizenship but scholarship. His career was a conflict of statesmanship with schoolmastery : democracy versus didactics, Americanism against an ancient idea not overturned by the Revolu- tion.
DILUTING AMERICAN DOCTRINE
FTER him came so many inventors and
proponents of educational aims—Prus-
sian principles, Platonic revivals, philosophies
of education—that a few years back the
country was generally quoting a Harvard
professor that national education had all sails set and didn’t know where it was going.
We tax every citizen for schools whether he has any children or not. This fact makes it easy to reject the scholar as the authority for what our schools should do and to abide rather by what the people, not as parents, but as citizens, maintain education for.
| should like to look at the national thought to-day for traces of the civic purpose of schools that has been traced from Washington to Wilson. Starting in Brooklyn one may travel west and observe in this year’s addresses




SENATOR ROYAL 5S. COPELAND
“Don’t say to the boy ‘study
hard and rise in the world’ but
‘don’t be a beggar; pay back
the town, the state, that gives
you your education’ ”’
WOODBRIDGE N.
ance



FERRIS
“The people pay for the public schools as for democracy insur-











OU. &U. WILLIAM GIBBS McADOO ** Among the duties we perform as a commonwealth, education is para- mount.” The teacher is a Gov- ernment official


NEWTON
‘The chief business of democracy is edu-
cation; the chief, not the incidental, business of education is democracy”


© Clinedinst
WILLIAM C. REDFIELD
‘To tax all the people to edu-
cate the children of some,
means that public rather than
private benefit shall be empha- sized in school

D. BAKER





The Success of Our Successors

A CIVIC CONTRIBUTION

OF TWO AMERICANS
A school and transportation system for a rural community given by Alice T. and W. H. Miner, to Chazy, N. Y. as they said, “‘for citizenship in the process of performance”’
a remarkable adherence to the original American design.
From William C. Redfield you get the ob- servation that the logic of having everybody pay for training other people’s children is not to put a volume of knowledge into young heads. It is to furnish clear thinking Ameri- cans who will be national assets: public benefits, not merely self-supporting units. Redfield says the public school system is struggling to grow from a mechanism to an organism, a live public service rather than a dead machine. To memorize the names of the Presidents is useless; to glow with enthusiasm over the unselfish devotion of this or that American to the general welfare, to feel a family pride in the generous service of citi- zens living and dead is to develop desire of imitating them. To learn a list of national boundaries is to fill the mental attic with use- less furniture, but our whole attitude toward the nations of the world needs more humane knowledge of human geography. “I sat ata banquet of the National Geographic Society,” ne says, “with the Ambassador from Great Britain on my right, the Ambassador from France on my left. I said | felt like the English Channel. It fell flat.”
To use a judgment fresh from a study of popular needs and desires of New York City and State, here is the new Senator, Royal S. Copeland, outlining in a recent speech his idea of the national purpose. “A slogan for the
schools is ‘service, not self.’ The public pays the cost. It is not a parents’ association combining to give their children personal benefits. It is not a device to secure fame and fortune for ambitious youth. The found- ers of the public schools said that the schools are for general welfare not individual gain. We don’t say to the boy any more, ‘Study hard and rise in the world; but we say ‘The town, the state is educating you, pay back, don’t be a beggar, be an American, serving your country in peace as well as in war.’”’
At the next stop, Cleveland, Newton D. Baker has just said in an address, “ The chief business of democracy is education: the chief business of education is democracy. The school is the training place for preserving this. The only way our commonwealth can outlast the tests put to it depends on the lives of the boys and girls now in the hands of the public school teachers. Youth with a national bias rather than witha bent for books, service rather than scholarship, a great education of purpose rather than a selfish ambition merely to get ahead in the world, are what the country has the right to demand of its schools. Jefferson had in his drawer the constitutions of many democracies that had failed. Yet he had faith to try anew one. His proposal for universal education as a safeguard of democracy was accompanied by a statement of purpose particularly essential now: ‘to teach men what is going on in the world and to lead

William McAndrew
SCHOOLED FOR SERVICE The American Boy Scout Movement is professedly organized and insistently maintained on the intent to maintain the national civic ideal
each to desire to make his part of it go on right.’”’ For a Middle West representative opinion,
Woodbridge N. Ferris ought to satisfy. The people of Michigan have made him their Governor repeatedly, and now he is their
Senator. From Ohio to the Rocky Mountains his speaking engagements indicate a popular satsifaction with his view. From a speech May toth, this year, | get this: “The public school is a public not-a private service, not to please parents or university professors nor to perpetuate a portion of the world’s know- ledge, but to train boys to be men, girls to be women, for the benefit of our common coun- try. The people support the school that it may be a national insurance of democracy.”
1 choose Mr. William Gibbs McAdoo for both the Southern and the Pacific coast opin- ion, for he is in touch with each. | find him saying this: “Among the duties we perform as a commonwealth, education is paramount. Teachers are government officials which, in our country, means public servants. They are too patriotic to strike; but they are too indispensable to be neglected. We must realize that upon the school the future civic health of our nation depends. We must keep this prominent in our minds, and we must build up a high class and respected personnel to take care of it. Parsimony in this field is indefensible.”’
MEN EMPLOYED TO THINK PUBLIC-MINDEDLY
MONTH ago a citizen who was asked to
propose an inscription for the entrance to acommon school decided he ought to take the advice of the public as well as the school people. Considering the New York Evening Post a representative of both, he asked for advice. Edwin F. Gay, the editor, told him:


EVERY SCHOOL IS A CITIZENS’ CLUB Detroit puts club rooms for adults in all its schoolhouses, and makes them civic
centres.
Maybe that is one reason why this city pays its school tax blithely

The Success of Our Successors
“You should ask your motto makers to get some condensed form of these facts: universal suffrage without ability to read, not to speak of ability to think, is a farce. Democracy without education for citizenship is a failure. The makers of America saw that and there- fore made schools a charge upon all the people. The public schools may help in earning a living; they must help meet the social responsi- bility of a democracy.” This led the seeker of a proper inscription to send Gay’s sugges- tion to his home paper, The Wisconsin News. Its editor composed this: “ Dedicated to the liberty and rights guaranteed by the Consti- tution of the United States and to the support of every law compassed by that noble in- strument of self-government.” It was tried on Louis Howland, editor of the Indianapolis News. He said, “You could do better, but keep to this same line.”” Editor Dillon of the Minneapolis News responded, “The idea is correct; but the wording should be both terse and comprehensive.” Then the en-
quirer tried the South. Clark Howell of the Atlantic Constitution told him, “For the broad aims and proper objectives for a public school take the official purposes of the nation itself: equality, life, liberty, happiness, union, jus- tice, tranquility, defense, and general welfare.
Impress all of these fundamentals into the heads of American youth, and we will have no further vse for courts or jails.” Thereupon the Minneapolis Tribune proposed this: “Dedicated by the people to the American Ideal: equality, life, liberty, happiness, union, justice, tranquility, defense, and general wel- fare.” The Buffalo Express commented, “Now you've got it.””. Editor Dennis, Chicago Daily News, decided: “This is a happy choice.” The Detroit News said, “This is now appropriate.” Fullerton Waldo of the Public Ledger, Philadelphia, added “| have read it over several times. You need add nothing. You can’t take anything away, ‘American ideal’ is fine. Let it sink into the work of teachers and children. It will, even insensibly and sub-consciously, influence one’s whole life.”
So there you have from men whose daily business it is to think public-mindedly, a re- markable, though unconscious, repetition of what Redfield, Copeland, Ferris, and McAdoo reported as their conviction of the proper aims of schools and of what Washington, Lincoln, and the great Americans in be-


A SKY-SCRAPER SCHOOL
The metropolis will have school.accom- modations even if it cannot get land
tween recorded. It doesn’t stop here. The Worvp’s Work canvassed Governors from New England, the Middle States, the South, the Rocky Mountains region, and the Coast. Governors Templeton, Smith, Morrison, Dixon, and Richardson replied, expressing the opinion that old and young, teachers and taught, should be reminded of the civic pur- poses of public education. These American commonplaces are not rehearsed here as argument of pleading. They are like old familiar songs, the more often sung, the greater the satisfaction. Or as our New York Secretary of State told an audience of school boys, “We should have muezzins of



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patriotism every day upon the watch-towers calling the faithful to repeat their vows of loyalty and service to their country.” What all these expressions bring us to is that the makers of this commonwealth expected it to be preserved; they devised the manner of its upkeep; the Americans qualified to speak for the general public do put the same distant and peculiar purposes upon education as the founders did.
A PROPOSAL FOR A PRACTICAL PATRIOTIC PANORAMA
S THESE objectives are specifically set forth in our two fundamental docu- ments, the Declaration and the Constitution, | propose in the following articles to show what the people in their schools are doing to promote each of the nine ends comprising the original American ideal: equality, life, liberty, happiness, union, justice, tranquility, defense,


Courtesy Florence Holbrook IN MEMORY OF TEACHERS This generation has recognized the suitability of beautiful memorials in schools as This is a commemorative window in the Forestville Public
William McAndrew
general welfare. The ma- gazine has sent me as far west as the Coast, as far south as the Gulf, I have reached the northern boundary. No man nor board has refused co- Operation. But if any citizen knows of any im- proved and particularly cheering civic service that is not comprised in the collection already made by this magazine, let him forward to it facts and photographs forthwith. For we have the testimony of the line of great Americans that education is the greatest of our national duties. As every true man of science supplies his fel- lows with reports of his experiments and discov- eries, men who are push- ing the American educa- tional advance may in this manner help along some other locality.
1 do not know how much statisticians, such as Mr. Trent of Elkins, West Virginia, startle us with figures showing that for every $9.60 for education we pay $13.00 for tebacco, $14.00 for cosmetics, pop, and chewing gum, etc. | am not sure how much store the Founders would set by the fact that Massa- chusetts people average seven years in school and earn $200 a year, while Tennessee attends three years and earns $116. At Franklin Lane’s estimate of $825,000,000 a year lost to the country by the 5,516,163 illiterates above ten years of age, we Americans are not so much depressed because of the dollars in- volved as moved to do more when we think of the sublimity of the conception the Found- ers had of the destiny of our race. It is the one influence that is able to inspire men of religious belief and men without it. It radiates something of the heroic into every sort of citizen.
I recall distinctly just twenty-two years ago a meeting of a thousand schoolmasters in



‘vw
ww VE Yt — Flee Um
The Success of Our Successors



Detroit dozing on a sul- try afternoon over the details of teaching eco- nomics when a man from Louisville, Reuben Post Halleck, mildly suggested that the course of study doesn’t matter much but American character does, and has from the begin- ning meant generosity, unselfishness, team-work, care for the other fellow, general welfare. Without raising his voice or using any of the gesticulations of the orator, this young man induced electric currents through the au- dience and made the hour the most produc- tive of the whole conven- tion. Who shall say that this instinctive veneration for the belief of our fathers along with that universal desire for a better to- morrow should be reserved only for use in time of war or by candidates anticipating personal advantage from a coming election? The growth of it, in the direct employment of the agency the Founders selected :s measur- able to a degree by figures. Private gifts to education in this generation increased from eight millions a year to sixty-seven millions, tax raised money for public education from $140,000,000 to $1,045,000,000.

THE PROSPEROUS AND THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS
F LATE a number of writers have won- dered why philanthropists have not in greater numbers given to common schools
Oo”, z
A

A CALIFORNIA CHILD’S IDEA OF SCHOOL
This drawing, her own notion, by Myra Williams, a school girl of Sacramento, shows Columbia lending her children, for civic training, to Educatior
instead of to churches, colleges, and private schools. Those able to give have not been generally asked. The advantage of such giving is not made clear. A donor would hesitate to give his town a water-works or to endow a police force. The similarity of the condition is remote. A town will supply it- self with water, with police, and with equip- ment to extinguish fire. The rewards are obvious and imminent. The likelihood of direct personal benefit to each contributor is clear. There is no widespread national shortage of fire-engines nor of any municipal improvement contributory to immediate mak- ing or saving of dollars. Provision for train- ing citizens depends upon appeals to an unstatistical feeling: generosity, humanity, public spirit, benevolence, patriotism. These












THE SCHOOLBOY WILL HAVE FLAGS His patriotism does not have to be aroused, but utilized

William McAndrew

os le #
JOHN HANDLEY 'S GIFT TO WINCHESTER, VIRGINIA
As a carpenter’s apprentice he learned in night school that the foundation of democracy is education.
his fortune for it.
Later he gave
The Genera! Education Board advised this monument of beauty and utility for the realization of his
intent
are the higher emotions—l| do not say rarer. The number of Americans able to spare generously who have, with their substance, shown that they appreciate the reasons why the public schools cannot without private aid serve the community as well as men know how to serve it, is not anywhere fully recorded. | have found no town or city without one or many quiet givers who have bestowed land, playgrounds, shops, libraries, apparatus, pic- tures, flags, gardens, or other gifts upon their public schools.
CONSPICUOUS GIFTS TO COMMON SCHOOLS
Bag esa ae for the intelligent com- pleteness of such a gift is the rural school in the township of Chazy, N. Y.
Alice T. and W. H. Miner gave it. tablet at the entrance they say:
“CHILDREN OF CHAZY CITIZENS OF PHE FUTURE
“It is our greatest hope that you may pre- pare yourselves not alone to accomplish your own advancement but to carry to all man- kind a fruitful message of high purpose and patriotic example.”
On the
The modern completeness of this beautiful school and the generosity of the donors bewildered the townspeople. “It’s a dream- school,” | heard them say. “It has made this place a Land of Heart’s Delight.” “It will be a model for other fortunate and patrio- tic citizens to copy.”” The most significant




A MURAL PAINTING OF OLD
” an a
“wil
es a
MANHATTAN
Citizens living near the Louisa Schuyler Public School, New York, are putting their money into decorating -it

The Success of Our Successors

A DECORATIVE PANEL IN THE JONAS BRONCK SCHOOL The ordinary New York citizen who can not make a munificent gift can contribute the cost of one figure
remark I heard was this: “The miners wanted to do something of the greatest direct benefit to their town and so they selected to give a common school.”
There is the case of John Handley. ‘He wished, says the Star of his home town, Winchester, Virginia, “to recognize the foundation of democracy, the public school.” To this he bequeathed his fortune. The town called in the General Education Board of the United States to give expert advice. Result: a plant of amazing utility and beauty, a system which the young superintendent, Frederick E. Clerk, says is based on the idea that education and citizenship are the same. It is our purpose to have the children live for the community.”
With a similar intent, Jacob Tome pre- sented his town, Port;Deposit, Maryland, with a public school; Durfee did the same for Fall River; Rogers for Fairhaven; Hackley for Muskegon; Breckenridge for San Antonio; McLean for Greenfield; Hazard for Gardiner; Gilbert for Winstead. If any reader knows other conspicuous examples it will be a good civic act to report them to this magazine.
THE FOUNDERS PLANNED BEYOND CHILD- HOOD
ITH a biasof an illogical tradition, some
of us are prone to think of public educa- tion as extending only to the age of twelve or fourteen. Washington did not so consider it. Nor did Jefferson. Both conceived universi- ties as a part of the general system. The first proposed, the second established, for men, an institution supported by the public
tax. Of all the Founders of the Republic, positive as they were as to the need of training for the upkeep, Jefferson devoted by far the longest and most constructive thinking to the plans for it. His State University of Virginia he called “a system of instruction which shall reach every description of our citizens from the richest to the poorest.” It now enrolls young men from Arizona, California, Colo- rado, Connecticut, Delaware, Columbia, IIli- nois, Indiana, lowa, Kansas, Maryland, Mas- sachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, North Dakota, Ohio, Okla- homa, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Washington, to the number of 325 in addition to its 1,247 men from the South. This omits its summer and extension courses.
Over the gateway you see the same old American intent renewed by an inscription put up eight years since:
ENTER AND SEEK THE WAY OF HONOR, THE WILL TO WORK FOR MEN
In similar vein are the sentiments ex- pressed in the recent dedication of the Union Building at Purdue University, a state sup- ported institution of Indiana. The imposing structure is a memorial to the men who en- listed for the common defense. The opening words of its dedication consecrated it to “ser- vice of our own human kind.” When the president accepted it he took it as “a pledge of undying faith in the courage and constancy of our American youth.”

FAKERS AND FALLACIES
Old and New Schemes Still Used to Dupe the Public and Ways to Prevent Their Practice
By FLOYD W. PARSONS
ANYTHING is more amazing than the
carelessness people exercise in their giv-
ing, it must be the ease with which the
average citizen is fooled. The easy-
money men of the days of Barnum were paragons of virtue compared with the charity swindlers of to-day. The modern dishonest solicitor does not hesitate to use bogus letter- heads and forged credentials. He frequently poses as the representative of some reputable and well known association. Two men were sent to prison recently in New York for solic- iting advertisements for a proposed book to be issued by a benevolent association. But that our metropolitan population is easily duped is proved by the fact that these fakers got away with four thousand dollars before they were apprehended.
Bird S. Coler, New York City’s Commis- sioner of Public Welfare, has just been com- pelled to take action looking to the restriction of the use of the streets for poppy sales, money drives, cashbox solicitations, and block par- ties, all tolerated hitherto in the ostensible interests of more or less worthy charities. An investigation has shown that a large propor- tion of the money collected in this manner never reaches the supposed beneficiaries. It is urged that even policemen should not be permitted to sell tickets or to solicit contribu- tions on the streets or in other public places in the interests of any fund, however worthy. When the police are permitted to do this, it is inevitable that others will claim a like privilege.
Not long ago an organization was started by irresponsible people to sell poppies on the streets on Memorial Day. The sponsors of this movement turned loose their sales agents several days before the reputable organiza- tions commenced their poppy-selling cam- paign, so the latter called off their proposed sale in disgust. It is estimated that 300,000 poppies were sold, at an average price of about 25 cents each. But only $7,000 was
paid over to the society rendering service to our ex-soldiers. Shortly after this drive had been completed, the organization that con- ducted the campaign was declared bankrupt, and every hope of regaining for charity any of the misappropriated funds quickly disap- peared.
Notwithstanding all that has been said and done to warn the public concerning fake charities, the game of getting easy money from gullible citizens appears to go on unabated. Frequently the solicitor and his accomplices create an organization for the sole purpose of getting out a year book or a souvenir pro- gramme. One such group gathered in some unsuspecting dollars in a number of Eastern cities only a short time ago. The only copies of the journal for the supposed association were those published for use in the collection campaign. The addresses given by the collec- tors proved to be saloons. Yet many mer- chants placed advertisements with these dis- honest salesmen.
In many cases, even when the cause is worthy, the plan followed in getting contri- butions does not permit much of the money to reach the charity that needs it. Take, for instance, the case of a magazine selling for ten cents. The agents maintained that the proceeds were applied to sending tubercular children to an institution in a Southern state, and caring for them there. An examination showed that of every ten cents collected, the solicitor got four and the managing agent two. The financial report of the organization in- dicated that $4,000 had been spent on the general maintenance of the home, while $25,000 had been applied to printing, head- quarters expenses, and overhead charges. In other words, only fourteen per cent. of the total money reaching headquarters was used to benefit the children. Furthermore, this fourteen per cent. was only about six per cent. of the gross receipts.
No person is more easily moved by an ap-

Fakers and Fallacies
pealing story than the average American bus- iness man. This may be a tribute to his generosity, but certainly not to his intelligence and good judgment. It is not uncommon to hear the remark, “Well, | suppose | get trimmed occasionally, but | would rather have it that way than miss an opportunity to help a really worth-while cause.” Such a point of view is well meant, and without doubt shows a spirit of sympathy and kindliness; but it should not be overlooked that loose, careless giving seriously injures the deserving chari- ties.
The common plan of fake charities is to make a seasonal appeal. In the summer they collect for fresh-air benevolences, while in the winter their begging is based on the necessity of providing coal and food for the destitute. Frequently the poor and needy family is the solicitor’s own household, and it usually develops that this particular home is anything but poverty-stricken. While chambers of commerce and other business organizations are undoubtedly making headway in their efforts to eliminate fake charities, this evil practice cannot be stopped until the public itself becomes interested in the matter and lends its coéperation. A large amount of money would be saved for investment in worthy causes if all business men, before contributing, would seek advice from their local chamber of commerce concerning the worthiness of the appeal.
A FEW PREVENTIVE MEASURES
OME sound and simple rules to minimize fraud and increase the efficiency of money devoted to charity work may be stated as follows: Don’t answer remitor-return letters from organizations with which you are not acquainted. Examine the merits of the project to be benefited. Never feel com- pelled to contribute to sectarian organizations unless you are a member. Don’t keep on giving year after year to a cause without an occasional checking up of the work. Refuse to give to any organization that does not issue an annual report, with an audited financial statement. Also insist on knowing some- thing of the character of the methods em- ployed, and require adequate evidence that results, in serving a public purpose, justify the money expended. Do not give money on the street. This method of raising funds is not only expensive,
523
but it has been so abused that the plan is falling into disrepute. Insist on a receipt for every contribution, which shall show the name and address of the organization to which the money was given. Giving a receipt is the first step in proper accounting, and all worthwhile organizations follow this business- like plan. Never accept a hitherto unknown organization at its own valuation. Inform yourself concerning it through disinterested agencies. Refuse to advertise in programmes until you know whether or not the advertising is offered on a sound business basis. Don’t advertise blindly, but be sure that your money is financing a bona fide proposition.
Last, and most important of all, remember that the rule, investigate before you invest, applies to charities as well as to financial undertakings.
Then there are a lot of other methods the fakers use to gather in easy money. One common plan is to procure funds by means of a chain letter. Such a letter, asking that copies be mailed to four friends, will reach into the millions in a very short time. Of course, in some instances, chain letters have been used to help worthy causes. But even in such a case, this scheme is undesirable, due to its uncertainty and lack of control.
Generally these chain letters are pure frauds. A firm in an Eastern city started such a letter, promising a certain article of merchandise to all who would remit ten cents. The scheme was exposed by the post office inspectors, but at last reports the postmaster in the city where the letter was started had received 600,000 of these letters enclosing dimes, and since there is absolutely no way to stop a chain letter once it is started, the money continued to come in, notwithstanding the fact that the fraud order was issued some time ago. One chain letter quoting a prayer has been circulating for more than ten years. It predicts calamity for those who do not comply, so it is probably good for a century or two.
THE REMIT-OR-RETURN PLAN
NE favorite scheme of the professional
faker is to use the remit-or-return plan for collecting foolish dollars. An example of this form of swindle is best indicated by an actual letter that was used by one faker in trying to rope in an Eastern business man. The letter read: “Our mutual friend, Harry

Floyd W. Parsons
Smith, dropped in here this morning on his way to the Coast, and bought a couple of Navajo blankets. He mentioned your name, stating that you wanted to get some of these goods, and it was his intention to pick out half a dozen blankets for you and have us ship them on, but the train stops only a few minutes, so he asked me to make the selec- tions and forward them. ‘Better send one first,’ thinks I, ‘and see how he likes it.’ And so | am shipping by parcel post to-day one of our prettiest and best woven blankets, with invoice enclosed. You will note | have made you a 10 per cent. discount from the regular price—thank Harry for that.”’
The prospective customer replied: “Re- turning your bill herewith, as | have turned the rug over to our chamber of commerce, which has a department that looks after things of this kind. If you feel like it, you may thank Harry for that. Mighty sorry I haven't any friend named Smith. Am amazed you should expect to find anybody so easy.”
In this particular case, the faker and not the merchant was stung. But investigators have found that in some instances schemes of this kind have worked with nine people out of ten.
Never before has there been so much solicitation for dubious causes as right now. The streets of our towns and cities abound with collectors of all kinds. An old colored woman recently took part in the mad scram- ble for easy money, and when approached to do some housework for a needy family, she replied that she had to go out collecting “foh de missionary society.”” “But | have work for you,” said the housewife, “and you need all you can earn. What do they pay you for collecting?’’ “I don’t get paid at all,” said the colored solicitor. “1 just gets what | collects.”
As a matter of fact, many schemes of the kind here described are successful, not only because the public is careless, but because prominent people thoughtlessly permit the indiscriminate use of their names and in- fluence. One case is recited of a fake organ- ization on whose letterhead were listed the names of thirty men—all of whom appear in Who’s Who in America. An investigation showed that these individuals knew practi- cally nothing concerning the society’s plans of management or of how the funds were being expended. All of these well known people
refused to assume any responsibility for the swindle.
A lot of money would be saved if everyone would bear in mind and observe a few simple, common-sense rules: First, require that col- lectors show their credentials. Second, do not contribute just to get rid of a solicitor. Third, do not give to any organization that has only a post office box number for an ad- dress. Fourth, mail your check to the treasurer—don’t give cash to the collector. Fifth, beware of the concern that does not make a public annual financial statement. Sixth, be very careful about giving to a one- man organization—investigate first.
Then in our fraternity of fakers we must not overlook the patent-medicine charlatans who manufacture concoctions guaranteed to cure whatever ails you... The ease with which most people are persuaded to swallow un- known compounds in an effort to provide self-treatment, is a serious matter. The mother of a large family of small children was afflicted with frequent headaches. A friend of this woman also had suffered from head- aches and had found relief in using some tab- lets. She suggested to the mother that some of this medicine might relieve her, and the sick woman tried them, with fatal results. The headaches of the unfortunate victim had been caused by an organic heart disease, and the medicine, a powerful depressant, was a drug opposite in effect to what should have been prescribed. Five children were left motherless, and a careless friend, through ignorance, was guilty of something bordering on manslaughter.
Though legislation has been enacted to prevent the printing and use of labels and circulars that lay claim to ridiculous curative powers for many fake medicines, the makers of such nostrums continue to thrive in their dealings with a profitable clientele. One investigator who examined a number of patented drugs, found that some of them con- tained wood alcohol, a common cause of blindness; acetate of lead, an inducer of paralysis; nitrate of silver, a producer of the incurable disease argyria, in which the skin of the victim turns blue; and bichloride of mer- cury, adeadly poison. Although we are mak- ing progress in the right direction, our present laws are not evasion-proof.
It is only human nature for people who are ill to try to cure themselves, thereby saving

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Fakers and Fallacies
the doctor’s fee. Since it is impossible to prevent this dangerous pastime of self- medication, the only way to eliminate the re- sults of the dangers is to make it practically impossible to sell fraudulent medicines. Peo- ple must be educated to know that headaches result from dozens of causes. A cure is no good unless it is aimed at the real seat of the trouble. Such remedies as contain the coal- tar drugs, give relief only through their knock- out action, similar to what a prize fighter might bring about by administering a blow on the head or the solar plexus.
Certain kinds of advertising have been carried on for years with such success that the average citizen has come to believe that a pain in the back is an evidence of kidney trouble. However, the truth is that more than 90 per cent. of the people who have kid- ney disease never have such a pain. Many other ideas with no greater foundation of truth have been cultivated by designing manufacturers of worthless nostrums. No one can say how many poor unfortunates were started on their road to ruin by the use of drugs contained in dangerous medicines that are still sold to an unsuspecting public. There is great need for a real awakening of the public mind, coupled with more effective legislation, to end the swindling practices of drug charlatans.
AMERICAN SUPERSTITIONS
UT easy money would not be so readily obtained by the fakers if it were not for the extreme gullibility of a large proportion of the American public. Even a cursory ex- amination will show that we cling to an astonishing array of foolish ideas in spite of our boasted higher civilization. Superstition is a race inheritance that endures through the centuries. Chance sayings heard in child- hood persist through life. The chief factors that perpetuate common superstitions are the power of suggestion, through hearing others repeat certain ideas, and the instinctive desire of the human mind to come to quick conclusions—that is, to accept lazily broad general solutions of problems, rather than go to the mental labor of working out more logical answers. Man’s curiosity has always been greater than his capacity to interpret Nature and life. Several thousand years ago the Oriental tried to divine the future by geometrical
figures; the lady of ancient Rome used a system of interpretations based on the shapes formed by melted wax when dropped into water; most of the ancients believed that dreams afforded clues for forecasting events, and the sale of dream books has continued unabated up to the present time.
The silly ideas that continue to-day are too numerous to mention. A lot of folks believe that if you rub a wart with a stolen dishrag and then bury it, the wart will disappear when the rag decays. A potato carried in the pocket will cure rheumatism. You can cure an aching tooth by touching it with the tooth of a dead person and afterward greasing it with marrow. A broken mirror means seven years’ bad luck. A gift of pearls will bring tears. An opal ring is unlucky for the wearer. The owner of a rabbit’s foot is pos- sessed of a talisman that will bestow favor and fortune. It is bad luck to cross through a funeral procession, and good fortune will forsake you if you return for a forgotten article and fail to sit down before you start on your way again. Such beliefs are too foolish to deserve comment; and yet we have among us right now a great army of people who are influenced by these or other equally ridiculous credulities. One reason for the continuance of superstitious beliefs is the everlasting truth that ““men mark when they hit and seldom when they miss.”
Without doubt, we have passed the age of witchcraft, but instead we have such things as the ouija board and spook stuff to foster morbid fears and upset the normal, healthy action of susceptible minds. Un- happiness, misery, and insanity have resulted to many weak intellects through the con- centration of thought on illogical notions. And strange as it may seem, some of our most superstitious citizens are the bankers, invest- ment dealers, and stock exchange men who deal with cold, hard facts every day of their lives. The stock trader is not at all a rarity who carries in his pocket a trinket of some sort, which is his amulet. Not long ago an eminently successful speculator died, and of all his possessions, the one most sought after by his fellow traders was an old coin which had been his pocket piece all through his stock exchange career.
It is strange that in a world which prides itself upon its progress in matters scientific, there should still be room for fanciful theories,

526
ridiculous superstitions, and fallacious con- cepts that parallel in ignorance the wild imaginings of the Dark Ages. While many seventeenth century notions have been dis- sipated by the cold white light of logical rea- soning, these early fallacies have been sup- planted by Twentieth Century delusions that are no less remarkable when we consider the degree of credence that is placed in them by apparently sane, normal human beings.
Nations have their whims and peculiarities, as have individuals. Whole communities suddenly fix their minds on one object and go mad inits pursuit. Millions of people become possessed simultaneously with one delusion and run after it until their attention is caught by some new folly more captivating than the first. One country is suddenly seized with a fierce desire for military glory, while another as suddenly becomes crazed by a religious scruple. Once the population of Europe lost its wits about the sepulchre of Jesus, and crowded in frenzied multitudes to the Holy Land. Another age went mad for fear of the devil, and offered up hundreds of thousands of victims to the delusion of witchcraft.
An epidemic terror of the end of the world has several times spread over the nations, and the singular part of it all is that each new prophet is able to reach the ears of a multitude of hearers and believers, even to-day. The most remarkable instance of this kind oc- curred at the end of the TenthCertury. Fana- tics appeared in France, Germany, and Italy at the same time, preaching that the one thousand years prophesied in the Apocalypse as the term of the world’s duration was about to expire. In the year 999 the number of pilgrims proceeding to Jerusalem, which was expected to be the scene of the Last Judgment, was so great that they were compared to a deserting army. Knights, citizens, and serfs travelled eastward in company, taking with them their wives and children and singing psalms as they went. Buildings of every sort were suffered to fall into ruin, as it was thought useless to repair them when the end of the world was so near.
We smile at these old-time credulities, little realizing that the centuries to come will
Floyd W. Parsons
pity and sympathize with us in like degree for our own ignorance. We have nearly as many delusions to-day as had our ancestors, and there is far less excuse for them because of the progress made by science in the last century. We have delusions about health and about disease; about God and about religions; about work and about play; about society and about social customs; about our- selves and about one another. In fact, we have delusions -about anything and every- thing which comes within the bounds of human cognizance.
We are possessed of monetary, banking, and business fallacies. Perhaps our most destructive delusion is the common belief in the validity of the business-cycle idea. Most of us hold the notion that every period of prosperity must be followed by a like period of depression, and that good times cannot be permanent. The truth is that there are no fixed or proved laws, rules, or principles that govern the fluctuations in our industrial life.
All of this teaches us, first, that we are not nearly so wise as we think we are, and second, that it is perfectly proper and legitimate for us to question not only all current concep- tions, but even to protest against many of the exaggerated claims of our scientists. Only through cultivating a spirit of moderate scepticism and constructive criticism, can we avoid being carried by a natural reaction to the opposite extreme of mysticism, spiritual- ism, and plain charlatanry.
“There was a door to which | found no key,” sang Omar. At the present time there are many such doors, and the reason there are no keys for them is because they are with- out locks. The truth is that all we have to do is to “open these doors,”’ and “keep them open.” We make mysteries of a multitude of matters that would yield easily and quickly to experimentation. It is for this reason that we must place our chief hope in the progress of science—the one relentless enemy of mystery. The day of fakers and fallacies will quickly end when we refuse longer to take things for granted and insist on having the substance of fact instead of the shadow.

| i i a ee
THE SIGN OF THE KU KLUX KLAN
The “‘fiery cross” has been adopted by the Klan as its “‘sign’’ This idea, together with most of the others that make up the order, was adopted bodily from that other and more original order from which the present organization got its name. This particular “fiery cross” is made up of Klansmen holding electric lights—evidently a bit of showy display
Ancestry and End of the
Ku Klux Klan
Its Forebears, the Know-Nothing Party and the “A. P. A.” No True
Descent From the Original Klan.
Its Probable Course and End
By ROBERT L. DUFFUS
“The liberties of a people are never more certainly in the path of destruction than when they trust themselves to the guidance of secret societies. Birds of the night are never birds of widsom. One of them, indeed, received this name, but it was not from bis look and not from his moral and intellec- tual qualities. They are for the most part birds of prey. The fate of a republic is sealed when
bats take the place of eagles.” —JositaH QUINCY.
ALPARAISO, Indiana, seat of the once well-advertised Valparaiso University, is one of those tranquil Mid-Western cities, ‘with well- kept, tree-shaded streets, comfor- table houses set well back across green lawns, and a general air of civic pride and content- ment, which are the despair of the modern school of fiction writers and the habitat of much that gives American life its particular color and flavor. Valparaiso is Main Street
softened and mellowed by an additional generation or two of settlement. It is not one city, but a thousand. What could hap- pen there might happen anywhere in the Middle West.
Last May the Ku Klux Klan, having cal- culated its strength, chose Valparaiso as the scene of one of its largest demonstrations, and as perhaps the first in which the Klan mask was dropped, and an opportunity given the public to see what Klansmen in the mass

528
looked like. This event was announced in Klan publications sold on the streets in Chicago and other cities.
“Fifty thousand Knights of “The Invisible Empire’, it was proclaimed, “are expected to attend in full regalia. The meet will resemble the tournaments of old England, when Knights of another age met for sport, merrymaking, good fellowship, and oppor- tunity to try lances with, or to pay respects to, nobles from distant parts. The committees in charge invite every one hundred per cent. American, whether a Klansman or not, to attend the great demonstration.”
The writer accepted the invitation, and although he did not possess the passwords which entitled the pure and faithful to enter the Valparaiso fair grounds, on which the secret portions of the programme were carried out, he had the opportunity to inspect a throng of Klansmen, nearly all unmasked, estimated by Klan organs at 25,000, and by other observers at from 10,000 to 20,000. This was probably the first large-scale ap- pearance of Klansmen without masks, and it was a most enlightening one for innocent bystanders interested in the personnel of the organization.
Had it not been for a sprinkling of robed Klansmen (looking more or less uncomfortable and absurd in the sunlight) at the railway stations, at street corners, in automobiles, and at the guarded entrances to the fair grounds, a casual visitor might have mistaken this solemn occasion for a political rally, a county fair, a Fourth of July festival, or a circus. Except for badges and banners des- ignating each successive delegation as it marched up from the train, and the pennants which decorated the automobiles, there was little about the visitors which proclaimed them members of an order which has made more extravagant claims, aroused greater hysteria among its opponents, and produced more gray hairs among politicians than any similar phenomenon since the collapse of the Know-Nothing party nearly seventy years ago.
A closer inspection afforded opportunity for making, or rather for confirming, certain generalizations. The rank and file of the Klan at Valparaiso were sharply divided into city members and country members. The farmers, who arrived in automobiles, usually with their families, would have seemed per-
Robert .L. Duffus
fectly at home eleven years ago in a Pro- gressive party rally—bronzed, homely, good- natured persons who might have been selected at random from the farming populations of Indiana, Ohio, Illinois, Kansas, or Nebraska. No group of men, seemingly, could be further from the savageries of which the Ku Klux Klan has been guilty in Louisiana, Texas, Florida, Tennessee, and Oklahoma, and it was a little difficult to believe that they were taking seriously the mummery they had come to witness. A more striking evidence of the Klan’s ability to be—or seem—all things to all men could not have been found. I am speaking, of course, of the rank and file. A hard-faced leadership was manifestly on the job marshalling the flocks.
The delegations from Chicago, who wore badges and carried banners proclaiming their home city, were of a different, and if this writer's observation of them can be trusted, an inferior type. Certainly they were not the “average American citizens, home owners, voters, and folk relied upon in the communi- ties from which they came” which one Klan paper described them as being. Most of them could be classified as belonging to the less successful strata of the “white collar’ class. They did not represent organized labor, which except in Kansas and in parts of Texas, has fought shy of the Klan, nor did they include, apparently, many members of unorganized manual laboring groups. They might have been small store-keepers, corpora- tion employees, clerks, and clingers to the edges of the professions, with perhaps a sprinkling of more influential personages. This is not said by way of disparagement, but rather to throw light on the nature of the Klan’s appeal. The one generalization which could be applied, as | believe, to the Val- paraiso celebrators was that they had social or personal grievances. This was a parade of Americanism gone a little sour. The im- pression was strengthened by conversations with a number of Klansmen and Klan sympa- thizers. Behind the fringe of shrewd pro- moters, “salesmen of hate,” politicians, addicts of hocus pocus, skylarkers, and boot- leggers who have earned the Klan a deserved odium, is a residue of earnest and aimless dis- content.
This discontent, as | think it will be worth while taking a little space to show, is no new thing in American history. Individually it is

Ancestry and End of the Ku Klux Klan
THESE ARE NOT “THIN AIRY SHOALS OF VISIONARY GHOSTS” They are instead publicity hunting members of the Ku Klux Klan marching with flares lighting up their long white robes and tapering mask-hung hoods
the result of personal misfortune or dis- appointment for which the sufferer is driven to seek causes outside himself. Socially it isa natural result of a period of unrest, uncer- tainty, and hard times, such as always goes with a great war. Well directed it might merge in an intelligent progressive movement. When selfishly exploited, as the Ku Klux Klan and its predecessors have exploited it, it may become fantastic, bigoted, and repellent. Specifically, in American history, it has often taken the destructive and futile form of opposition to the foreigner, and especially to the Roman Catholic church, which over and over again has been made the scapegoat for everything alien. | shall briefly sketch some of its past manifestations.
When the Revolutionary General Knox organized the Society of the Cincinnati, in April, 1783, it was bitterly denounced, not only because its object was believed to be to create an order of nobility, but also, as poor
Knox wrote to Washington, because people believed it had been “created by a foreign influence in order to change our form of
government.” A _ little later the foreign influence in America became radically demo- cratic instead of aristocratic, and the so- called “Democratic societies’ of 1794 were damned by President Adams as being the cause of domestic rebellion and of the in- troduction of un-American ideas. The Alien Act of 1798 was aimed at the supposedly dangerous influence of foreigners for exactly the same reasons which buttressed the war legislation of 1917, and because of the same philosophy which has agitated in our own times such of the members of the Ku Klux Klan as have happened to be both intelligent and honest.
“Native Americanism,” recognized as such, made its appearance as early as 1817. Its spirit was well expressed in an editorial which Professor McMaster paraphrases from a

5 30 Robert L. Duffus
newspaper of 1823: “When we look at the population in some parts of our country and see mingled with it the dregs of all nations when we are told that half a million Irishmen have left their own country to live in ours, when we behold them linked together by the church and their love of Erin, we are moved to declare that the character of our country is degraded by the contact, and our liberties and our government threatened by the admission of a population without education, and without attachment to the community they have been forced to adopt. It is time to stop making citizens of subjects of European governments.”
The, hey-day of the first well-organized anti- foreign and anti-Catholic agitation came in the early thirties, when Irish laborers were doing yeoman service in the construction of the first railways, and incidentally arousing ill-will of many natives by their turbulence, their religious faith, and their general foreign- ness: and when there was also an outcry against what many Americans believed to be the deliberate policy of Great Britain in dumping criminals and paupers on our shores. In 1834 there were serious anti-Catholic riots in Philadelphia, Trenton, Rochester, Lancas- ter, and other cities. At Charleston, Mass., in August, 1834, a mob sacked and burned the Ursuline convent. “Maria Monk” and other “escaped nuns’ told stories of gross ill-treat- ment, and “converted priests” lectured on the iniquities of Rome, exactly as they do to-day under the auspices of the Ku Klux and other anti-Catholic organizations. In 1834 Samuel F. B. Morse took time from his fruitful re- searches with the magnetic telegraph to write a series of newspaper articles, afterward published as a book, which he signed “ Bru- tus’’ and entitled “The Foreign Conspiracy against the United States.”
In 1835 there were native American tickets in New York and New Orleans, both cities of large alien populations, and in the same year the National American Democratic Association adopted as a plank in its platform the resolution to “elevate no person of foreign birth to any office of honor, trust, or profit in the United States.” The panic of 1837, together with the continuance of the great Irish migration, did not diminish the strength of the movement, and it grew steadily during the late ‘thirties and early ‘forties. The Catholics fought these attacks as best they
could. On only one occasion, however (this instance is vouched for by Humphrey J. Desmond in his excellent monograph on the Know Nothing party) did they actually put a Catholic ticket in the field. This was the municipal election of 1841 in New York City, in which the Catholic ticket secured 2,200 votes out of the metropolitan total of 35,000. Three years later the Native Americans triumphantly elected James Harper, of the publishing house of Harper & Brothers, as mayor. The same. year, 1844, saw anti- Catholic riots in Philadelphia, and a re-open- ing of the public school question as it affected Catholics. This issue has never been allowed to die out since that date; it is among the fundamentals of the Ku Klux Klan, who are prepared to insist both on the abolition of parochial and private schools (as they did in Oregon) and on the compulsory reading of the Bible.
The Mexican War, with its awakening of new national conceptions, temporarily drew attention away from the anti-foreign clamor, but agitation by such societies as the Sons of America, the American Protestant Associa- tion, the Order of United Americans, the Order of United American Mechanics, and the Order of the Star-Spangled Banner (titles which are sufficiently explanatory) continued. Out of one or the other of these secret socie- ties grew the Know Nothing party, which took its name from the fact that its members, like the modern Ku Klux Klan, were given to feigning ignorance when questioned about it.
“The Know Nothings,” wrote one editor in December, 1853, “are an off-shoot of the Order of United Americans. By the consti- tution of the latter, politics are excluded from their proceedings. In order to evade this rule, and to become more effective in political movements, members of the body formed an outside secret association, calling themselves Know Nothings. The principles of their constitution are directly hostile to all Catho- lics, and they pledge themselves to vote for no man who is not an American of three generations.” The members, according to McMaster, “recognized one another by signs, grips, passwords, signals of distress, test questions, and rallying cries’—all of which brings us back to the Ku Klux Klan.
Like the Klan, the Know Nothings did their political work surreptitiously; indeed,

Ancestry and End of the Ku Klux Klan 531
accounts of their manoeuvres might be used, saw with dread the steady stream of immigra- word for word, to describe what the Klan is tions that munth after month came to our doing at this moment in any one of a dozen _ shores, all found in the Know Nothing creed
states. In many cases they elected candidates actually not known to be running, or caused the defeat of candi- dates against whom there had been no open opposi- tion. Working within the Whig party in the North they scratched the name of every alien and every Cath- olic from the ballots. In 1854 they elected mayors of Washington, Philadelphia, New York city, and Norfolk, and had minor successes elsewhere. By 1856 the order was estimated to num- ber as many as a million and a quarter voters, all of whom, as the saying went, had been brought “into the august presence of Sam.” There were several degrees, as there are in the Klan, and the secrets of the higher were carefully kept away from members of the lower. This machine was powerful enough to elect at least five United States Senators and twenty-three Congressmen, besides winning numerous local successes.
“Sincere and honest men became Know Nothings,” to quote again from Pro- fessor McMaster’s monu- mental history, “in hope that the party might really find a remedy for the intol- erable evils of the ignorant foreign vote. Politicians great and small, who once labored under the old Whig banner and now beheld that party in ruins, gladly cast their lot with what seemed
something entitled to their support.” But he adds: “Racial hatred played its part in furnishing recruits; yet, withal, the movement was the work of politicians and in no sense a great pop- ular uprising to reform real abuses and correct serious wrongs.” Here again the parallel with the Klan is strikingly close.
The fabricated issues of the Know Nothings were blasted, as those of the Klan are likely to be, by the rise of a real and unavoidable issue—in the Know Nothing case, the question of the ex- tension of slavery. In 1855 they were strong enough to carry Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, to elect a number of officials in New York, to elect governors in Kentucky and California and a legislature in Mary- land, and to put up a close fight in Texas, Virginia, Louisiana, Georgia, and Mississippi. Next year came the beginning of the end. Millard Fillmore, who received the Know Nothing backing, ran far behind the Republican candidates in popular vote and received
iS THIS ‘gpa: A POSE? only eight electoral votes. No doubt many—protably postal the Buchanan was elected presi- real reverence for the flag, but their at- dent on a platform which
tempts to form an extra-legal force with declared boldly:“A political which to influence public officials and : os hese private citizens, and to oppose those crusade in the Nineteenth
whose religion or ancestry is not to their Century and in the United liking, is un-American and opposed tothe States against Catholics and very first principle for which the flag ‘ : : stands foreign born is neither
justified by past history
to be the party of the future. Patriots who nor future prospects of the country, nor really believed American institutions were in unison with the spirit of toleration and threatened by what they called the insidious enlightened freedom which peculiarly dis- wiles of foreign influence, old Nativists who tinguishes the American system of popula- held that Americans should rule America and government.” In this election the party

5 32
cast about one seventh of the votes in the North and about three sevenths of those in the South. Its strength in the South was due in part to the well-founded fear of Southerners that immigration would give the North disproportionate weight in the impending political or military conflict. Naturally, the Know Nothings aroused the opposition of Northern liberals. “One might as well study optics in the pyramids of Egypt, or the subterranean tombs of Rome,” de- clared Henry Ward Beecher, “as liberty in secret conclaves controlled by hoary knaves versed in political intrigue, who can hardly enough express their surprise and delight to see honest men going into a wide-spread system of secret caucuses. Honest men in such places have the peculiar advantage that flies have in a spider’s web—the privilege of losing their legs, of buzzing without flying, and being eaten up at leisure by big-bellied spiders.‘ ‘There was a lodge near me,” General Grant wrote apologetically in his memoirs, “and I was invited to join it. | accepted the invitiation, was initiated, and attended a meeting just one week later; and never went to another afterward.” General
Scott devoted a considerable portion of his unsuccessful presidential campaign to apolo-
gizing for a reported earlier affiliation with the Know Nothings and to expressing his pro- found admiration for all foreigners who hap- pened to have votes. Horace Greeley, in phrases which have not altogether lost their flavor, said that the party “would seem as devoid of the elements of persistence as an anti-cholera or anti-potato-rot party’—al- luding, doubtless, to the calamities which were mainly responsible for the Irish immigration. “The Native American or so-called Know Nothing party,” wrote Lord Bryce, many years later, “had, in two years from its foundations, become a tremendous power, rising and seeming likely, for a time, to carry its own Presidential candidate. In three years it was dead without a hope of revival.”
Disowned by the Republicans, distrusted by the Southern Democrats, tolerated at last only in the border states, the party disap- peared in the maelstrom of war, suffering splits and schisms, and enduring at last only in the degraded form of such bands of ruffians as the “Tigers,” “Black Snakes,” “Rip Raps,” “Blood Tubs,” and “Plug Uglies” which terrorized Baltimore and other cities.
Robert L. Duffus
The last formal meeting of the Know Nothing party was held in a small room in 1866. A subsidiary organization, the Order of the American Shield, lasted until 1866, and the
‘United Order of American Mechanics, the
Junior Order of American Mechanics, and the Patriotic Order of the Sons of America, all of them sympathetic with Know-Nothingism, still show signs of life. The Junior Order of American Mechanics, which has a number of chapters in the South, is generally considered a close ally of the Ku Klux Klan.
Although the anti-Catholic and anti-foreign spirit survived in this way and manifested it- self from time to time, the next great move- ment embodying it was the American Pro- tective Association, organized by Henry F. Bowers, a sixty-year-old lawyer of Clinton, Iowa, on March 13, 1887. This order, like the one formed later by Colonel Simmons of Atlanta, grew slowly at first. In 1893, five years after the founding, it had no more than 70,000 members. But hard times gave it an impetus, as they had to its predecessors, and in 1896 it probably had as many as a million members, and was said by sympathizers not too scrupulous about their mathematics, to number two and a half millions.
The A. P. A. lodges possessed a ritual some- what similar to that of the Know Nothings, had secret degrees within the order, and im- posed terrific oaths binding members not to vote for or patronize Catholics. Again the “escaped nuns” and “converted priests” made their appearance. Again wild rumors were circulated regarding the fiendish designs of the Catholics against the Protestant popu- lation. A false encyclical of Pope Leo XIII, similar in purport to the false Knights of Columbus oath which has been industriously distributed by the Ku Klux Klan, was: said to absolve Catholics from their allegiance to the American government and make it “the duty of the faithful to exterminate all heretics found within the jurisdiction of the United States of America.”
The A. P.A. wasstrong ineastern Michigan, northern Ohio, northern and central Illinois, lowa, northern Missouri, and eastern Kan- sas and Nebraska. But the reaction came almost as soon as its full strength was devel- oped: it was snubbed by both major parties in the election of 1896, and disappeared al- most immediately as an active political factor The truth probably was that by 1896 and

ve.
—- & ww mw CO eh
Oe
Ancestry and End @f the Ku Klux Klan
later, national politicians had more to lose by es- tranging the Catholic and foreign vote than could be gained by accepting the windy tenets of “ Na- tive Americanism.” An interesting phase of the A. P. A. movement was that. large numbers of Germans and Scandinav- ians, naturally of Protes- tant sympathies, were either-members or allies. It was, of course, more anti-Catholic than anti- foreign.
Few, it seems to me, can reflect upon the facts which | have endeavored to summarize without perceiving that the mod- ern Ku Klux Klan is di- rectly descended, not ‘rom the post-bellum organization of the same name, but from the A. P. A., the Know Nothings, the Wide Awakes (a “junior order” which ter- rorized New York city in the ’fifties), and the Na- tive Americans. Its dif- ferences are inconsider- able, its likenesses all-

THE MUMMERY OF A KLAN INITIATION Clever salesmen have not found it difficult to sell memberships in the Klan. Ten
important. If it has _ dollars, the fee required, is not so much as to frighten any one away, and the osten- added the Jews to its ob- sible purposes of the Klan are, at least in part, so high that those eligibles who are
jectsof hatred, it has done so in the spirit of the earlier movements. Nevertheless, a word or two with regard to the real Ku Klux Klan may not be out of place, especially as the spurious Klan pre-
tends to be descended from it. The original ©
Ku Klux Klan was organized at Pulaski, Tenn., in May, 1866. At first the pastime of a few restless young men, most of them veterans of the Confederate army, it found its hocus pocus, undertaken in fun, begin- ning to be taken seriously. Before long its usefulness in achieving secretly what the Federal troops of occupation would not allow to be done publicly, was perceived, and local branches sprang up throughout the South. Later the Knights of the White
approached are quickly interested. Many ‘‘members’’, however, have never done more than pay the initial ten dollars, although after several years, despite their lack of activity, they are still being carried as “active members”
Camelia (from which the “ Kamelia,” one of the woman’s auxiliaries of the modern Klan derives its name) attained importance in the Black Belt, leaving the northerly tier of states to the Ku Klux; and other organizations followed in different localities. The Ku Klux Klan, therefore, came to stand for an extensive movement, not highly centralized, which had for its object the maintenance of white supremacy in the old slave-holding states. In this purpose it may fairly be said to have succeeded. Naturally it came into conflict with the Federal authorities, was the subject of a Congressional investigation, and was finally outlawed. But before this last

5 34
act had taken place the original Ku Klux Klan, of which the Confederate General Nathan Bedford Forrest was Grand Wizard, was Officially disbanded by its head and founders. This voluntary dissolution took place, first because the immediate emergency had passed, and second because the name and disguise of the order had been abused by per- sons who were merely predatory and un- scrupulous.
The order of dissolution, according to J. C. Lester and D. L. Wilson, members and founders, who published a volume on the history of the Klan, was issued on February 20, 1869—less than three years after the first meeting. Where this order was pro- mulgated, they testify, “obedience to it was prompt and implicit. Whether obeyed or not this proclamation terminated the Klan’s organized existence as decisively and com- pletely as General Lee’s last general order on the morning of the 1oth of April, 1865, disbanded the Army of Northern Virginia. The Klan had no organized existence after March 1, 1865. Thus lived, so died, this strange order. Its birth was an accident, its growth was a comedy, its death a tragedy. There never was, before
or since, a period of our history when such an ©
order could have lived. May there never be again!”
By Southerners the Klan is generally given credit for rescuing the South from a condition of anarchy, and for preventing the white civilization from being submerbed by its late slaves. But most Southerners look upon it as a movement which had a single specific purpose and which ended, as it should have ended, as soon as it had done all it could to accomplish that purpose. | am not passing judgment upon this view. It is of present importance only because it demonstrates the utter lack of a connection between the past and the present, the real and the imitation.
One or two members of the original Klan are members of the present Klan. When Colonel Simmons was concocting his ritual, he lifted, with slight alterations, whole passages from the Klan ritual as made public in 1868. He did this for the first paragraph of his “ Kreed,”’ omitting an obsolete reference to the Federal Government; he did it with section 3 of Article II, in which the objects of the Klan are stated as follows: “This order is an institution of chivalry, humanity, justice,
Robert L. Duffus & a, ~
and patriotism, embodying in its genius and principles all that is chivalric in conduct, noble in sentiment, generous in manhood, and patriotic in purpose.” This is taken verbatim from the old Klan prescript, except that Colonel Simmons, for reasons best known to himself, has substituted the word “justice” for the “mercy” of the original document. For good measure the Colonel also lifted the old Klan motto, “Quod sem- per, quod ubique, quod ab omnibus,” which may or may not originally have had a mean- ing. But these pickings and stealings from the old Klan are important only because they are part of the system of charlatanry by which the Twentieth Century model of the Know Nothing movement was sold to a gullible public.
In taking leave of this subject the writer regretfully sets aside a mass of material, growing every day, which bears upon the present activities of the Klan. In Texas and Oklahoma, for instance, it is still an actual menace to law and order. | have on my desk a letter from an attorney of Fort Worth, in which the writer says: “We have almost a complete state of anarchy in this state at this time, and the worst of it is that the offi- cers of the law seem to be either afraid of these fellows or are members of the infamous outfit themselves.” An enclosed clipping relates the killing of Otto Lange and the wounding of the Lange baby at Somerville, Burleson County, by masked men who forced themselves into the house. Acting Governor Davidson took this affair seriously enough to call it “an open defiance of the state and a deliberate plot to overthrow its laws’’—thus going a little farther than his lukewarm chief, Governor Neff, whose policy it has been to sit tight and say nothing. Since January, 1921, there have been, according to the San Antonio Express, 21 lynchings in Texas; and this estimate does not include such lesser outrages as the whippings at Goose Creek, near Houston, and other breaches of the peace which have occurred in every community in which the Klan is powerful. If the Klan is not to blame for lynchings it has at least done nothing to diminish their frequency, for they have increased greatly since the organiza- tion came to Texas. Oklahoma has a similar story to tell, and Governor Walton was re- cently moved to declare martial law in Okmulgee County, although, he stated, the

wT
ea NA FRI Vw SS»
Ancestry and End of the Ku Klux Klan

‘gt Ler «i » ag te . 4 * ae a t 4b. the re hi wie A
A WOODLAND MEETING OF THE KLAN
Onc wonders how many such “‘secret”’ meetings in the woods are held without some carefully staged publicity resulting
from them. This photograph, which apparently originated with the Klan’s publicity department, was accompanied
by a caption reading as follows: ‘“‘ Devotional exercises of a Klan, the Kludd, or minister of the Klan, offering a prayer.
The opening of the circle is in anticipation of the coming of a high official, after whose arrival the circle again will be closed”’
act was not “aimed at any organization, but at the elements that are taking the law into their own hands.” But in Oklahoma “ele- ments that are taking the law into their own hands,” is merely a synonym for Ku Klux Klan.
In the North, as I have pointed out in a previous article of this series, the Klan has not generally been guilty of provable violence. Yet it is not over-eager to obey laws of which it disapproves. An act passed by the last legislature of the staté of New York makes it mandatory for “every existing membership corporation and every existing unincorpor- ated association having a membership of twenty or more persons, which corporation requires an oath as a prerequisite or condition of membership” to file lists of its members. Following the passage of this law the Klan filed a certificate of incorporation as a “ bene- volent fraternal society,” and by this and other devices seems to have evaded compliance.
In doing this it may not have overstepped legality, but neither has it shown much enthusiasm for the plain intent of the state’s law-making body. In the meantime it is busy consolidating its position in the neigh- borhood of New York City, especially on Long Island and in New Jersey, where it has conducted vigorous and adroitly advertised campaigns for members. Although there have been clashes between the Klan and its opponents in several suburban communities, it has not been clear that the Klan was in- variably the aggressor. In fact, its conduct in the metropolitan neighborhood has been as exemplary as that of such an organization well could be; or | might say more accurately that it has created dissension, broken up old friendships, and set communities by the ears without demonstrable violations of law.
In conclusion I must set down a number of opinions which will have to be verified by time. The Klan may be expected to figure in

536
the election of 1924 as the Know Nothings figured in 1852 and 1854 and as the A. P. A figured—or rather attempted to figure—in 1896. It is working behind the scenes and on the backstairs in both parties, and in close voting will greatly influence the choice of candidates both North and South. In the improbable event of Mr. Ford’s nomination the Klan will throwmany votes hisway. But, except in isolated communities, chiefly in the South, it will carry no important candidates of its own choosing. There is not a state north of the Mason and Dixon line in which an open Klan endorsement would not prove fatal in a state or national election, although in some states—in Indiana, certainly—an open re- pudiation of the Klan would be almost equally dangerous. The order will remain a negative and disturbing force, helping, it may be, to hasten the decline of the existing parties, but not contributing a single constructive ele- ment toward the erection of new ones. By the end of 1924, | am willing to predict, it will be a punctured bubble.
The sources of its disruption will be found within as well as without the organization. Almost from the beginning, as readers of these articles may remember, there have been rivalries and jealousies in the Klan ranks. At the present writing Colonel Simmons, founder of the order, is in retirement and at sword’s points with the Imperial Wizard, Dr. Hiram W. Evans; Edgar Young Clarke, chief instrument of the Klan’s first commer- cial successes, is. in retirement, in parts un- known, owing possibly to a white slave in- dictment; and there is bitter opposition to Evans, among Klan members as well as among those who have withdrawn. Charges of financial irregularity among both the sub- ordinate and the higher officers are constantly cropping up. An attempt to press these charges may at any time anticipate the natural processes of dissolution and destroy the central organization. This possibility has been strengthened by the revelations of
Robert L. Duffus
the Kansas ouster suit, and by the constant pressure being brought to bear by such down- right enemies of the Klan as the American Unity League of Chicago. Not all the Klan’s opponents are purely disinterested and not all of them are fighting it wisely (some, indeed, employ too many of its own methods to suit a fastidious taste), but an active and vigilant hostility is breeding in every com- munity where aliens, Catholics, or Jews are present in considerable numbers, or where the conscience of the native American is sufficiently aroused.
As in the past the anti-alien and anti- Catholic movement must fail for lack of material on which to feed. Pushed originally by sordid adventurers for purposes of gain, taken over by equally sordid politicians, utilized by law breakers, fanatics, meddlers, and “plug uglies,” it will find no permanent function in American life. With the rise of new issues, possibly with the formation of new parties, it must weaken and disappear. 1 believe that the great majority of its honest dupes will find within a year or two a better way of realizing such of their hopes and aspira- tions as are both legitimate and intelligent, and that the cessation of immigration, with an increasing demand for labor, will lead generally to greater toleration and apprecia- tion in the popular American attitude toward the stranger within our gates. There never was in our history less excuse for an anti- alien movement or for religious bigotry. And if the Ku Klux Klan turns in upon itself and sets out to enforce its peculiar notions of the moral law upon native Americans, to carry the mean gossip and scandal of decadent small towns into national affairs, its downfall will be accelerated.
Thesolution in the long run will befurnished by the common sense of common Americans, including many who have been induced by lies and misrepresentations to join a secret organi- zation whose secrecy adds, not to its power for good, but solely to its power for evil.

CAN AMERICA HELP?
Some of the Prominent Americans Who Have Visited Europe and What Europe’s Problems and Europe’s Future
Some of Them Have Learned.
By. MARK
O AN American who spent any
part of last spring and summer
in Europe, there was more than
mere casual interest—there was a
striking significance—in the extra- ordinary number of public men from the United States whom one ran across in London, Paris, Berlin, or elsewhere. There was a member of the Supreme Court of the United States, Justice Sutherland; and another mem- ber recently resigned, Ex-Justice Clarke, now devoting his time to an almost Evangelical advocacy of the League of Nations. There were two members of the Cabinet, Mr. Mel- lon of the Treasury and Mr. Davis of the Department of Labor. (In addition to these, there were at least two former Cabinet mem- bers, Ex-Secretary Fall of Mr. Harding's Cabinet and Ex-Secretary of State Colby of Mr. Wilson’s Cabinet).
Of the United States Senate there were eighteen, almost a fifth of the entire member- ship. They included at least one Presiden- tial possibility, Senator Oscar Underwood of Alabama; and another who, due to the sud- den death of President Harding, has become a Presidential possibility, Senator Hiram John- son of California. Among the others were Sen- ators Moses of New Hampshire, David Walsh of Massachusetts, Edge of New Jersey, Stan- ley of Kentucky, McCormick of Illinois, Wheeler of Montana, Brookhart of lowa, Spencer of Missouri, and Smoot of Utah. Of members of the Lower House, there were such well known ones as Longworth of Ohio and Porter of Pennsylvania.
In another class of public officials were Eugene Meyer, Jr., Chairman of the War Finance Corporation; Solicitor-General James M. Beck, and Assistant Secretary of the Treas- ury Eliot Wadsworth. In addition to these there was a host of men recently in public life, or otherwise actively identified with public affairs in America, such as Ex-Senator Hitch- cock of Nebraska, Ex-Senator Frelinghuysen
SULLIVAN
= a
of New Jersey, former Chairman Lasker of the Shipping Board, Ex-Congressman Copley of Illinois, Bernard M. Baruch, Chairman John Adams of the Republican National Com- mittee, Ex-Chairman Homer Cummings of the Democratic National Committee, Adolph S. Ochs of the New York Times, Cyrus K. Curtis of the Philadelphia Ledger, President ‘Nich- olas Murray Butler of Columbia University, former Ambassador to Great Britain, John W. Davis, Ex-Senator Clarence Watson of Virginia.
Now if this were a mere catalogue of promi- nent Americans who spent a summer vacation in Europe, it would belong in some other sort of periodical than the WorLp’s Work. Its pertinence here lies in the fact that of the men named, and of many others not named, none were in Europe for vacation purposes merely. A few had their families with them and gave a portion of their time to conventional sight- seeing. But the main purpose with all of them—and, as to several whom the writer ran across, the whole purpose—was one aspect or another of the public affairs of the United States. Chiefly it was to acquire information about the present state of Europe, and ma- terials for judgment as to what America can do, or ought to do, in the field which we call broadly our foreign relations.
During this period, the writer, also, was in Europe, and with a purpose roughly identical with the others. The curiosity of the writer, as well as of most of the public men who will have a personal or party stake in the situa- tion, was to see just what form the foreign relations issue can take next year.
It was largely the anticipation of these fac- tors of the American political situation next year, and the consciousness that one version or another of the present facts about Europe will form the bulk of a great mass of political discussion—it was this that sent us hustling about from capital to capital, talking to scores of the men in responsible office, to



editors, military men, labor leaders, bankers, and business men.
Perhaps as good a way as any, for one who participated in all this, to transfer some of his impressions to millions of other Americans who share the curiosity about Europe and America’s relation to it, is to set down some of the more important of his notes, in an order as disjointed as they arose.
I begin with Ireland, although that was not on the beat of most of the other Americans mentioned, and although its circumstances set it largely apart from the European situa- tion as it figures in American politics. 1 be- gin with Ireland partly because that is where | spent the first week, and partly because | got there a feeling of optimism which, al- though it was not wholly duplicated anywhere else in Europe, yet had as the chief of its causes, the return of the farmer to peace and work, which condition is duplicated in several other of the rural parts of Europe, and con- stitutes the most chtering single fact through-
Sullivan
THE LAKES OF KILLARNEY, IRELAND
The civil war in Ireland, says Mr. Sullivan, stopped when the Irish farmers became more interested in crops than in fighting.

In Ireland, as on the continent of Europe, the farmers are improving their conditions (although perhaps slowly) while the cities show fewer signs of regeneration
out all Europe. In Ireland, the heart went out of the fighting almost overnight. It went out because the farmers, who were the backbone of it, just plainly got tired of the fighting and the mess and inconvenience of civil war. It was spring, and the call of the sod was in the air. The farmers felt the lure of it. They wanted to go to plowing and raise a crop. They had composed the bulk of the support of the opposition to the Free State, their sons had been the fighting men, and the farmers had provided sympathy, refuge, and sustenance. When they lost interest, the fighting collapsed, and within a day Ireland was an island of peace, intent upon the plough. To see it happen made you think of another April day when fighting ceased, and recalled one of the most pregnant of those familiar stories and aphorisms with which men of wit and insight have epitomized the atmosphere of many phases of American history. In 1889, the editor of an Atlanta newspaper, Henry W. Grady, made himself a


Can America Help?
national figure through a single brief speech. He had been invited to address the New England Society in New York, and he determined to take advantage of the occasion to carry from the South a message of recon- ciliation. He did it with humor, and not too much emphasis on sentiment, economics, or statistics; the time was ripe for it, and the happy conjunction of the hour and the man marked a turning point in American history. The atmosphere of the speech, which in- fected the state of mind of the whole country, and changed it from the rancorous recollection of war to a humorous and tolerant geniality— the atmosphere of the story rested largely on one brief story that Grady told, a mere quota- tion of the remark of a Southern soldier as General Lee announced the end of the fight- ing to his army gathered at Appomatox on a soft April day when the immemorial summons of spring was in the air: “ Well, anyhow,”’ said this philosopher among the private soldiers, “1 killed more of them than they killed of
5 39
me; I’m goin’ to go home and get out my plow and raise me a crop.”’
That story is relevant to the present state of Europe in two widely different ways. It is a fact throughout Europe that wherever the prevailing occupation is agriculture, the far- mer has turned to the plough and in the ag- gregate seems to be pulling Europe a little way out of the swamp. Everywhere, the farmer has added a cow or two to his herd, a horse to his stable, a few sheep to his flock. By that much—and in the aggregate it is considerable—Europe is “coming back.” But one is obliged to add that this is one of very few respects in which Europe is visibly re- covering.
The other respect in which Henry W. Crady’s story is relevant to the present state of Europe is, unhappily, by contrast. Europe has by no means reached that state of mind of humorously genial reconciliation which Grady’s story reflected; far from it. On the contrary, rancor and hate are fully as malev-


ARE THE FARMS THE BACKBONE OF EUROPE?
This Austrian scene, according to Mr. Sullivan, is typical of the force that all over Europe is doing the most to re- build the damaged economic system. Everywhere farms are showing signs of improvement, and, in the aggregate, the improvement is great. But in the cities there is less to cause optimism


540
olent and as general to-day, possibly more so, than at the height of the fighting.
| was talking with one of the half dozen men who are most directly charged with re- sponsibility for getting Europe out of its snarl, one who is gravely conscious of his need for help from every quarter, but entirely tolerant of those who do not feel that their conscience or their self-interest calls on them to give help. He asked me what America’s present attitude is. | told him | thought that so far as the Ruhr question was concerned, and so long as the Harding Administration was in power, America’s attitude would be one of aloofness. In his answering comment, this European statesman used twice a_ phrase which reflected a high-minded willingness to utter frankly the argument against his own interest. Twice he said “By the grace of God, you are three thousand miles away from it.” By “it,” he meant, again to quote his own words, “the feud, between the Teuton and the Gaul, which is a red trail across two thousand years of European history.”
When he said “By the grace of God you over there have made a fresh start with new roots, and are three thousand miles away from it,” the remark that came to my lips was, “Far be it from me to reduce the distance by so much as a single mile.” But with the impulse came the sense that what might in ordinary circumstances be harmless humor, might sound, to a man bearing a sombre responsibility, like heartless flippancy, and | did not say it. And with greater reflection came the thought, can we in America not look upon our distance, not as a mere safety, but as a reason and ameans for giving help? Does not our very detachment equip us for some kind of réle of disinterested helpfulness? Is it not practicable for us, without reducing our distance from this permanent feud, and without becoming identified with either side of it, to provide the disinterested spirit and material help that would soften and dissolve the age-long tension, now in one of its most acute and dangerous phases?
That is the contrast between two American points of view. One says: we are safely out of it; in Heaven’s name let us take the gift of distance the gods gave us and stay out. The other says: it is a call for help; let us not con- fess the lack of courage and the lack of re- sourcefulness to ignore it.

Mark Sullivan


And yet, with all the will in the world to help, just what, concretely, can we do? Well-meaning Americans can, and do, devise plan after plan for settling reparations, and for stabilizing currencies; but as to each plan, there is always at least one nation that won’t accept. Generally, it must be said, the most consistent vetoer of these plans is the French Government. It was the French Government which refused to accept Secre- tary Hughes’s plan for an international com- mission of business men to estimate Ger- many’s capacity to pay. It was a French refusal that made it impossible for a number of international bankers, including Mr. J. P. Morgan, to go on with a plan they had for fixing reparations, loaning money to various countries with which to stabilize their cur- rencies, and otherwise restoring Europe. The difficulty with the French—and on this point the testimony of all who have gone to the heart of things is universal—is that they want two separate things which, under the given conditions, are incompatible with each
other. The French want: (A) Reparations from Germany. (B) Military and political security against
future German aggression.
France can get (A) only from a thriving and working Germany. But in order to get (B) the French want to reduce Germany to a condition of military and political impotence, which necessarily would include economic im- potence and make it impossible for Germany to earn and pay reparations. The French have been travelling the weary round of this closed circle ever since the Paris Peace Con- ference. The French demand, and are clearly entitled to have, enough money from Ger- many to restore the devastated districts of northern France. The French also demand enough money to pay the pensions for the dead French soldiers, although, under the Armistice contract, France’s right to this is much less clear. But this latter sum does not matter: let it stand that the French want and are entitled to have enough money to restore the actual damage done by the Ger- mans in northern France. This is so large a sum that Germany can only make it and pay it if she is permitted to keep her economic and political unity, and to go to work with the maximum of non-interference. (Incidentally
in the very process of being permitted to re- main whole and to work without interference,

Can America Help?


BAD EMS, HESSE, GERMANY Can France obtain from Germany the reparations she so properly claims and at the same time be proof against the
possible use of force by a regenerated Germany?
And how much of the present difficult situation in the Ruhr has re-
resulted from the failure of Great Britain and the United States to guarantee France against future German aggression? Germany seems bent on refusing to pay France if possible, but her own people are demanding that something be done to build up a gold secured currency
Germany will acquire an efficiency and power which, at the end of the reparations pay- ments, will make her, in an economic sense, a more formidable nation than any of her competitor nations.) But when you have pointed out the process, the only process, by which Germany can pay maximum repara- tions, the French then say that they want also military and political security against future German aggression. The way to get this security is to dismember Germany, keep her under bondage, harass her steadily until her population diminishes, deprive her of solidarity. But if you do this, Germany cannot pay the reparations. So here you are again at the beginning of the same old circle.
At the Paris Peace Conference, one of President Wilson’s economic advisers, dis- cussing the French demands with one of the French delegates, said to the Frenchman; “You French are trying to get your Christmas toast and your Easter egg out of the same
goose. It can’t be done. You have got to choose between money and revenge—between reparations out of a living Germany, and security through the death of Germany.” In the various conferences on the same subject between Lloyd George and Briand, Lloyd George used to say to the Frenchman, “I wish you would show me how it is possible to get milk and steak out of the same cow.”
There was a plan by which France was to have got her security separate from her rep- arations, by a means which would not have impaired Germany’s capacity to pay repara- tions. At the Paris Peace Conference Mr. Wilson promised Mr. Clemenceau he would ask America to unite with Great Britain ina joint treaty with France, guaranteeing the latter that in the event of any future attack from Germany, America and Britain would come to France’s help. But after Mr. Wilson returned to America, when the bitter fight against the League of Nations arose, trailing



542

its cloud of suspicion against all things European, Mr. Wilson saw that in the then mood of America, it would be so hopeless to get such a treaty through the Senate, that he never even proposed it. Thereupon Great Britain felt she was released from her part of the promise. This episode made the French feel that she could have but one dependable security against future German aggression, namely to make Germany impotent and keep her so. The failure of America and Britain to give this promised guarantee accounts large- ly for the mood of almost neurotic hysteria that France is in about the need of mak- ing herself secure by making Germany im- potent, through dismemberment or otherwise. You can think what you please about America going in now, but there can be no doubt that by first going part way in, and then backing out, America is responsible for much of the present state of Europe.
Many thoughtful Englishmen think it was a pity for Britain to back out, even though she had the excuse of America’s backing out first. It was this failure of Britain to give the guarantee that marked the separation between a France and Britain united as allies, and a France and Britain little short of bitter enemies. This episode was the beginning of the long series of nagging actions on the part of France, and resentful ones on the part of Britain, that culminated in the strain of the recent July, France ‘seems to have forgiven America more readily for failing to go on with Wilson’s proposal, or certainly to have con- cealed her resentment, if she felt it. But to- ward Britain France began that long series of bedevilling frustrations of British policies and interests in various parts of the world, out of which so much unhappy history has arisen in the short space of three years. A part of France’s motive, freely admitted, has been to force Britain into giving her the treaty of guaranty. France’s course, seen in terms of ordinary human relations, is curious. In effect, she says to Britain, “I want you to love me and protect me; if you refuse to love me and protect me, | will pull your house down’’—a course of reasoning and conduct which would seem more at home in some restricted kinds of feminine psychology than in the intercourse of nations.
Britain fears that France, if she cannot have the treaty of guaranty, or some equiva- lent security from outside herself against


Mark Sullivan
future German aggression, will press on a course that will end in the-disruption of Ger- many into several independent states. Such an outcome, the British regard with the grav- est concern. Several British statesmen and leaders of thought said that the break-up of Germany would mean the break-up of European civilization. When | asked why there should be the relation of cause and effect between these two events, they gave reasons too long and intricate to reproduce here. I felt unable to judge. But it is cer- tain that this is the British fear.
A good many of the “highbrows”’ in Europe laugh at you when you ask if Europe is “re- covering.” They claim there is no such thing as a ‘“‘return to normalcy.” They say that what Europe is doing is passing through an evolution into a new system, an evolution similar to occasions iin the past when the world has discarded whole systems, whole philosophies of life, and of man’s relation to his fellow-men and to the universe. They say, in short, that the capitalistic system is passing, and that Furope is not to be described in terms of its distance from or to the order of 1914; that Europe is entering upon something new.
It is hard to tell. If you sought for evidence to show that capitalism and the present industrial system is being seriously undermined, you would probably list it thus:
(a) Thrift, saving, is.one of the corner stones of the present politicaleconomy. And in every country of Europe, some to one de- gree and some to another, it is being dem- onstrated, through depreciation of the currency, that the saving of money is futile. If you saved a dollar, the government, through depreciation of the currency, took every cent of it away from you. In Germany the savers of money have lost every mark they had accumulated. In Austria also, and in some other countries, the savers of money have lost all. In France, up to date, they have lost two thirds; and if the depreciation of the franc goes farther, as it probably will, they will approach the condition of the Ger- man savers. Even in England, the savers of money have lost much. In more than half of Europe it has been demonstrated that the last thing to do with money is to save it. Everywhere those who spent their money had the laugh on those who saved it. The wise were those who spent; the foolish those
— wwe wT ef wa |
Can America

theca

IN THE HILLS NEAR GRANADA, SPAIN
The difficulties of Europe are to be found in countries that were neutral during the war as well as in those that were actually engaged in the mighty struggle, for economic troubles quickly jump boundary lines because of the commerce of nations and economic ills are almost immune to local preventive methods
who saved—a reversal of one of the cardinal rules of conduct, a negation of one of the cornerstones of capitalism. If the psychologi- cal results of this should be permanent, or if the wiping out of values through depreciation of the currency is to be a permanent or even frequent device of governments; or if the causes that have led to depreciation are permanent, then, obviously, one of the es- cential foundations of capitalistic society will have gone.
(b) The income tax and the inheritance taxes to the degree to which they are now practised in nearly every country including America constitute a seizing of privately owned capital. What is more to the point, they constitute a taking of the permanent capital which is in use as the basis of industry, and using it up, so that, for the most part, it disappears. The capital levy is not a thing of future speculation; it is here. Ifa business man’s income is 10 per cent. of his capital and if the government takes two thirds of his
income, that does not differ from a capital levy of 6 per cent. of his capital. There are many capitalists who say they would rather give up 50 per cent. of their capital in one lump, than 5 per cent. a year indefinitely. Still more clear are the cases where inheritance taxes and death duties take 10, 20, or even 50 per cent. of accumulated savings. This money, in large part, is taken out of business where it serves the ordinary purposes of permanent capital; and is paid out by thie government to civil servants and others who, for the most part, consume it as fast as they get it. Essentially, it is both a destruction of existing capital, and, what is more fatal, a destruction of the incentive to save for future capital. If it goes beyond a certain point, and is kept up long enough, it is undoubtedly a negation of one of the cornerstones of the present basis of industrial society.
(c) The doles to unemployed. It is one of the principles of our present political economy, as analyzed by Adam Smith and the



older economists, that a man must work or starve. This principle, in several countries in Europe, is now denied. In England, the principle is asserted and is in practice that a man who is unemployed does not need to seek a new job as the alternative to starva- tion. So long as he is unemployed, he re- ceives from the government, or otherwise through semi-official channels, or through unions a “dole.” In the last four years, England has paid out upward of two billion dollars in these doles. This money, for the most part, has been taken from the accumu- lated savings of the country, through the mechanism of income taxes or death duties. The old principle that the cost of production is kept low by the need of the unemployed man to accept whatever wages he is offered, is superseded, for the time being at least, by the humane principle that the unemployed man shall be provided with enough to protect him against the fear of hunger.
All this evidence, massed, seems formidable. And yet the shrewd people of the world are those who maintain their belief in accepted economic principles at precisely the moment when those principles appear to have become superseded—who keep their belief in the old normal at the moment when less sure-footed persons think the abnormal has become the new normal.
One begins to look carefully into these old laws. In all the years since Malthus an- nounced his theory about population, most persons have looked on it as something be- longing in a future so far distant that no one need pay any practical attention to it. And yet something like the Malthus theory may be working obscurely in some parts of Europe. When there are brought together more people within a given national boundary than the soil within that boundary can support, a precarious situation arises. This is the case of Britain and Germany. Not more than twenty or twenty-five of Britain’s forty millions can live comfortably on her soil. For the remainder to live, Britain’s statesmen and industrial leaders must provide a steady flow of manufacturing and of exchange of the products of that manufacturing with other countries for food. It assumes a continuity of international trade at something near a given normal which is not easy to guarantee. For three years Britain has had an average unemployment of nearly a million and a half.

544 Mark Sullivan
That is one reason Britain feels so strongly that she must bring back norma! economic conditions in the world.
The present thought of America about Europe is so far short of reality that one is tempted to smile a little at our naiveté. When I left home in the spring, the International Court was an acute issue of American politics, and during the summer, every paper one saw from home reflected the Court as a continuing issue, with Harding and Hughes making speeches about it and politicians everywhere discussing it excitedly. But in Europe, -in the course of hundreds of conversations with public men of one sort or another, | never once heard the Court mentioned, and can only recall having seen one or two brief allusions to it in the European newspapers. The Court is a fine institution and it is func- tioning usefully. But it functions only with small matters on the outer edge of things. For curing what is at the heart of Europe’s trouble, the Court is hardly more effective than the Hague Tribunal, which, at the first thunder of war in 1914, gave a scared squeak, hurriedly told the janitor to close the shutters, and stored its paraphernalia of arbitration safely until after the commotion had been put down by force of arms.
As to the League of Nations, that never came into any conversation about public af- fairs in Europe, unless the American intro- duced it. There is in Europe nothing like either the amount or the heat of the discus- sions Americans indulge in about the League. The League, like its child, the Court, is busy and useful, but only with matters kept shrinkingly separate from the big European questions which are the Ruhr occupation and the relations of France and Britain and of France and Germany. If the League should achieve the vitality to assert jurisdiction over this group of questions, its prestige and authority would increase accordingly.
In spite of the disturbing picture Europe presents, it is yet true that if at any moment France and Britain should come to agreement with any degree of hearty good-faith and unity of interest, and if they should fix the amount of reparations, agree on the division of it and on sound ways of col- lecting it—in such an event, Europe, so far as trade is concerned, might leap forward overnight into a long period of large and active production.

THE FIRST THOUSAND THE HARDEST
In this department of the magazine in June there was published “ The Growth of a Rainy Day Fund” —being the personal account of a World’s Work reader’s experience in building up an investment estate of more than $100,000. Since then letters have been received from other readers relating their
experiences in accumulating “rainy day funds’ of more modest proportions.
Two of these ex-
periences are given below in the words of the writers—one a voung minister in the West and the
other a courageous mother in the South.
They show the importance of small savings and indicate
the great value of the first thousand doliars saved—a value out of all proportion to the amount, be- cause of what that sum wiil actuatly accompiish, and more particularly because of the habit of thrift
that 1s formed in accumulating it.—THE EpiTors.
"T SEEMS presumptuous for a young min- ister to talk about a “ Rainy Day Fund.” The ministry is not considered a pro- fession where one can make or save money. Iam just a young man in sucha
profession, yet my wife and | have a fairly good “Rainy Day Fund.”
Seven years ago | left the theological semi- nary for a charge which paid $600. The next year they gave me $800, the third year $1,000. Then | was moved to a parish that paid $1,600, where the next year my salary was increased to $2,000. It is now $2,400. You will notice that my lowest salaries were during the war and the high prices, and you will ask how we ever saved out of such salaries. We did not. But we always lived within our salary. That was the first important de- cision.
But other things have come. Young people have married. People also have died. | have written articles for ministers’ maga- zines. There have been many calls for com- mencement addresses, baccalaureate sermons, and special help as preacher in evangelistic services. And whenever extra money has been received outside of my salary we have refused to spend it; it has gone into our sav- ings account. That was the most important decision. We knew we would have to live on our salary if we did not get this outside money. We therefore managed so as to live on the salary and save the extras.
Let me say, however, that we live well. My wife has all the electrical apparatus, such as vacuum sweeper, washer, etc. We havea good car. My library is excellent; | am a buyer of good books and numerous maga- zines. Our two little girls are about the best dressed in town and my wife and | dress accordingly. Our contributions to the church this year will easily reach $300.
When | entered my first pastorate seven years ago, | had not a cent of insurance and not a cent in the bank. If | die to-night, my wife will get $6,250 insurance. If I am killed while keeping my next lecture appointment, she will get $11,250. The three policies | hold will help her and the two children to make their way in the world. It is not much but it will help. | also shall ce cared for if totally disabled. Besides these policies | have a share in an electric light company which pays 7 per cent. and my bank ac- count is fairly good.
| heard an old German friend of mine say that “the first thousand dollars were the hardest to get, the others came easier.” | find that he knew whereof he spoke.
The woman’s experience covers a longer period and shows more of the fruits of saving. She wrote:
| have read with interest the Rainy Day Fund article of the June Wor.Lp’s Work. | like these articles very much, for their in- fluence must be helpful to many who are struggling to save something for the in- evitable rainy day. The author of this June article was successful to a marked degree.
My own experience, while nothing like as prosperous, has had encouragement enough to keep me trying all the time and results enough to show some accomplishment in building up my rainy day fund. | am writing my ex- perience not as something wonderful but as an inspiration to other women who have been left with families when the money was gone and the way looked dark and uncertain. | would say to all such:
“The home and the children are worth the struggle. Try the Rainy Day Fund. Even though it takes ten years to succeed, try it!”





540
| know that it pays to save, even in very small amounts.
| married, quite young, a prosperous farmer of the southland. Our union was blessed with a large family. All the time | felt that my husband was fully capable of supporting us in comfort. But there is something about country life in the South tending to ease and leisure, especially on the large landed estates where the very nature of the life—bossing ten- ants, selling crops, and collecting rents—does not demand keen business insight. It is not conducive to thrift and saving and when mis- fortune overtakes one, as it sometimes does, it finds those trained in this easy school un- equipped for the exactions and competition in other lines of work.
In my own life the crash came and | realized as never before the lack of training for all other business in a farmer’s life. My husband and | gave up all our property to our credi- tors, even our home. We moved to town to educate our children. | believed my hus- band would do well in business. He said from the first that he was untrained for busi- ness, and succeeding years proved his asser- tion true. He got a small job and held it to his death, with a very small salary and no hope of a raise and no future.
No money, no friends, his courage gone, and | knowing nothing! That was our plight —a pretty sad plight with a family on our hands. The World War was in sight and living costs soaring daily. It was hard to live in those days, much less to put something aside for the rainy day.
| felt, however, that it was imperative to save something with a family that owned nothing and who might and did become sick at times. Neither | nor my children were very strong. So | resolved within myself that come what would | would put five dollars a month in the savings bank.
Some months | could save this amount, some months | could not; some | saved a little more. | found it necessary to get work myself and to give practically all | made to the family budget in order to keep the children at school and the wolf from the door.
When we entered the war, | had a few hundred dollars in the savings bank and the Liberty bonds then offered a splendid op- portunity for my small savings which went on regularly, big and little, mostly little. 1 kept the children in school, two and three of them.

The World’s Work

| paid cash for everything and kept out of debt by hard work and rigid economy. Two of my daughters went to work and they helped me nobly every month when they got their salaries. Together we worked, and | saved the little sum I set out to save.
When the war was over | had one thousand dollars in the bank. My, how I had to economize to save that thousand dollars! | had been paying house rent all those years. Nine, | believe. Then the house was sold and | determined | would try to buy a home with the money that had gone before for rent. I was tired of paying rent and having nothing in the end.
Imagine buying a home with a thousand dollars soon after the war when prices were at the peak! Well, I did; making the first payment and mortgaging it for the balance. My friends said | would never get the house paid for out of my small salary, with taxes, insurance, interest, street improvement, and other assessments, and innumerable repairs necessary on an old house. In addition | had to keep my boy in college.
My friends saw all the defects of the house. It was too far out; too much out of repair. Land around was bringing little or no rent. It would be a white elephant on my hands. But | told them | could not go down town with one thousand dollars and buy anything. | had to go where | could. I could see through this property; they couldn't. | could see the rooms rented; the town was growing my way; and some day, | could sell the vacant lots about me for a profit.
So | plunged ahead and bought the house and lots. | tremble now when | think of my rashness. But now, after three years, the town has grown out to me. I have made all the payments due on the house. The vacant lots | can sell and pay off the balance on the property. Best of all, | have kept my son at college where he graduated this June with an A. B. degree.
Some will ask how I have done this. | reply: “By saving that little five dollars every month, by using judgment and econ- omy, working hard and looking ahead.” Not one penny of this was made by speculation or in get-rich-quick schemes. It was done by faith and prayer and works. | am willing
to put my little thousand dollars against any one else’s as a remarkable Rainy Day Fund.

WORLD'S WORKSHOP





So many of the interesting things in the making of a magazine never get past the editor's desk that we have decided to devote a few pages every month to sharing some of them with our readers. These things include an acquaintance with the writers of the articles we print, let'ers from readers, and a miscellany of other things that may interest others as much as they interest us.—TuHe Epirors.
HESTER H. ROWELL’S §$ar- ticles on the political upheaval in the wheat belt have an es- pecial timeliness in view of the election of Magnus Johnson as
United States Senator from Minnesota. Memories of the late “‘ Pitchfork Ben’ Till- man will recur to many readers; but in the case of Johnson, as in the case of Tillman, much will be lost of the meat of the matter if thought is taken only of the picturesque overalls and the milk pail, and none taken of the deep fountains of unrest which have welled up so original an oddity into Senatorial halls. Of these deeper meanings of the stentorian Cincinnatus, Mr. Rowell gives a clear under- standing.
This month the Wortp’s Work has shifted the position of the investment artice. Next month, even more portentous changes will be noted. The Red Eagle cover will give place to a four-color cover illustration taken from one of the articles; the frontispiece also will be in colors, and eight pages of full color will be printed, the work of Miss Jane Peter- sen, celebrating the romance of the fishing fleet of old Gloucester, Mass., which is about to celebrate its three hundredth anniversary. James B. Connolly, whose fictional prose has so often recaptured the magic of the sea, will chant the glories of the men who go down to the waters after fish.
In later numbers will appear other full- color illustrative features covering our Na- tional Parks, the game birds of North America, and other subjects of interest that lend them- selves to colorful pictorial illustration.
Two grieved readers remind us of a recent
error in the WorLp’s Work. We printed a portrait of Senator Alva Adams of Colorado, and remarked that he had been thrice Gov- ernor of that State. The Dick-Whittington- like reference was wrong. It was the new Senator’s father, who was the Governor.
Reverting to the Rowell articles, a reader in Milwaukee praises them and then takes issue with one of his conclusions. He says:
‘“‘T was interested in Mr. Rowell’s article on Wisconsin and Minnesota politics, and believe he has been an intelligent observer. But he misses One very vital point, it seems to me.
“Since Cleveland’s day the Bryan Demo- crats have been in control and, finally, in the last Presidential election, traded themselves out of existence. They had to get the law amended at the last session of the legislature, to give themselves a legal status again.
“Along with their corrupt cohabitation with La Follette, the total vote of Wisconsin has grown steadily less, and Mr. Rowell puts his finger on the other spot when he talks of last year’s Senatorial election.
“It looks to me to be a more dangerous assault upon popular government than is generally realized. The facts will bear study. You may find a suggestion for deeper consid- eration of their tendencies.
“Under the smoke of radical (farmer-labor) movements, our popular elections are being perverted and undermined.”’
The following memorandum of what Wil- liam McAndrew is trying to do in his series, “The Success of Our Successors,”’ should be of interest to all grown-ups who are helping youngsters grow up:

548
A notable manifestation of the seriousness with which we regarded the business of run- ning the American schools is the increasing number of public-school teachers who pursue professional training during “‘vacation.”’
12,600 in Teachers College, New York; 1,000 in New York University.
Harvard, Cornell, University of Michigan, University of Chicago, University of Virginia report their thousands. Pacific coast univer- sities crowded.
Most of the colleges and normal schools are running during the summer for teachers who are in service the rest of the year.
It means that America is taking seriously the great national problem of education, and that we are no longer content to turn the children over to immature young women who have gone scarcely farther into study than is necessary to lead their classes.
Along with this growth of professional study has come the reéxamination of educational aims.
Beginning with this issue of the Wor.Lp’s Work, the absurdity of aiming to produce a few scholars by taxing the whole people, 90 per cent. of which is made up of hand-workers, is repudiated in the first of a series of articles upon the American’s plans for his national upkeep.
William McAndrew, who is assembling this magazine’s material, reaches the conclusion, after interviewing public men (not school masters) in every corner of the country, that the faith and affection which the American people centre in their schools are as profound, deep-rooted, and co dial as any national trait we have.
The series he will offer here takes up the American objectives, shows that they are the same for our government and for our schools, and presents felicitous facts and photographs from all over the country, show- ing that these objectives are being progres- sively realized.
The following is a letter from a reader in Chicago. THe Epirors, Wortp’s Work,
| want you to read the enclosed clipping, which | gleaned from a small town Texas paper—the Lockhart (Texas) Post Register. It was written by “The Country Doctor” who conducts a column in that paper, in many ways as interesting and entertaining as the
The World’s Work
one conducted by Don Marquis, or the late B. L. T. on the Chicago Tribune.
After reading it don’t you feel that the gen- tleman from Dallas whose letter you printed in the World’s Workshop in August is a bit pessimistic to say the least? The clipping is an accurate side-light on the true character of the citizens of Texas, our most maligned state.
It seems that Emerson Hough is the only writer who ever got under the hide of Texans and told the truth about them, Mr. Duffus not excepted, and Mr. Hough (peace be to his ashes) wrote fiction.
Ninety per cent. of the people have never been known to vote for anything—why, that large a majority wouldn’t vote that the world is round; and as to his statement about the safety of an anti-klan Texan, it is as silly as it is untruthful. | know men who have laughed at the Klan all over the entire state, and never had a finger raised against them.
| have travelled all over the state of Texas and never had a gun pulled on me, yet twice in July | saw guns flashed in Chicago over such a trivial thing as a near-accident while driving a car. | venture that there are more gun-toters on Michigan Avenue, or Fifth Avenue to the square mile than there are to an entire county in even the Texas painted by the anonymous writer from Dallas.
The enclosed clipping read as follows:
“Swing low, sweet chariot, swing low,” and as it gently, noiselessly swung to, at the sick bedside of Uncle Frank Dorn, angels must have guided the good old negro’s spirit to a place aboard the unseen and unseeable chariot of God’s transport, and with a delicate whirr unheard by mortal ear, this carrier, fashioned and forged from the sacrificial blood of the gentle Jesus, departed. His boundless love, convoyed by the “‘Old Black Joes”’ of slavery days, guided at the hand of Omniscience, sped ahead for the Beautiful Always of the eternal To-morrow.
The above is my tribute to the memory of one of the best, truest old negroes of Caldwell County, Uncle Frank Dorn. He lived, during his life, on a small farm some four miles north of Luling, and I can do no better than quote Dr. J. S. Francis, as we came away from the old negro’s house, Monday afternoon: “‘Uncle Frank and Aunt Dinah (his wife) have made good citizens, and this holds in comparison with white or black.” In the eighties as to age and ill of influenza, I suggested to the old man a few days ago that his life was nearly spent: “Doctor, I’ve tried to do right all my life, and when Old Marster sends for me, I’m ready to go,” was the aged negro’s reply.







A RED LETTER BOOK GUIDE
A Concise and Comprehensive Survey of Recent and Current Books
By THOMAS L. MASSON
WORLD AFFAIRS
ITH the exception of Herbert
Asquith’s history of the causes lead-
ing up to the war and his account
of the war itself, which will be issued later on, practically all the chief actors have written their war books. Most of them are dull reading, but taken as a composite picture of personal evi- dence, they form a mass of immensely valuable historical material. In addition to these personal accounts, there have been a great number of financial, historical, and biological volumes by various experts, each giving his own remedy. Amid all this conflicting evidence and opinion we gather two notes: that civilization § in Europe is in a very bad way and that America is the one bright spot in the fu.ure. Bertrand Russell hov-ever, has already ventured the opinion that it is much better for Europe to pass into a comfortable obscurity equal to the lost tribes of Israel rather than to undergo the fate of being “saved” by America. We shall await Mr. Rus- sell’s coming volume, “Prospects of -Industrial Civilization” (Century) with the somewhat de- pleted interest we feel when any distinguished writer on the other side of the water, not entirely dependent upon us for his living, deprecates in his
own manner the existence of this unfortunate country of ours.
We are free to confess that, while most of these war books are undoubtedly useful to the student and the politician, they are very dull reading. This month, however, we are glad to make a note of “Modern and Contemporary Civilization” (Lip- pincott. $2.20) By Harry Grant Plumb and Gilbert Giddings Benjamin, which sums up fairly well the main factors of the war; and ‘‘ The Riddle of the Rhine” by Victor Lefebuere (Dutton. Price not given) which we find to be an exceedingly interest- ing account of gas and gas warfare generally. Other books of the month are, “The Making of Rural Europe” (Dutton. $2.50) by Hellen Douglas Irvine, being a historical survey of landholding; “The Making of the Western Mind” (Doran. $3.50) By F. Mellan Stawell and F. S. Marvin, a rather illuminating and well written essay on European thought; ‘““The Reformation of War” (Dutton. $6.) by Col. J. F. C. Fuller, D.S.O., long, dull, and highly instructive, and finally “‘Coépera- tive Democracy” (Macmillan $3.50) By James P. Warbasse. From the purely business point of view, this last book is highly important, containing an exceedingly comprehensive account of the co-





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Operative movement and its astonishing develop- ment.
Without being so rash as to venture a positive opinion upon a world situation which probably contains more concentrated chaos to the square inch than ever before in history, a certain amount of reflection, based upon the reading of the books mentioned, and many others, leads us to the in- evitable conclusion that America holds the whip hand over the material destinies of the world. Furthermore, if we dare to suggest such a possibil- ity to those friends of ours in Great Britain who have expressed the opinion that the Almighty Dollar

Y FAR the most interesting book this month dealing with a personality is “The Spirit of Islam” by the Right Hon. Syed Ameer Ali (Doran. $5.) The learned author of this very human and scholarly book is very much on his dignity in his defense of the Prophet. He touches somewhat gingerly, but nevertheless definitely, upon the two main charges which have been preferred so often by Christian writers against Mohammed, namely: that he married too often and perhaps too gaily, and that there was too much emphasis placed upon the material allurements of heaven. The author produces much evidence to show that Mohammed was a pure mystic of the highest order, much maligned, and we are bound to record that he makes out a good case. He merely mentions Washington Irving, when he might easily have dis- played irritation over Irving’s biography, which, as we now recall it, though it made no claim to original research, showed much quiet humor. We have placed this book on Islam among the personal volumes, because it deals so largely with the personality of Mohammed.
From the Orient to Connecticut and Massachu- setts seems to be a far cry, but we must record next “‘A Life of Francis Amasa Walker”’ (Holt. No price given) By James Phinney Munroe. It was the good fortune of the writer of this review to be on somewhat intimate terms with the family of General Walker during his residence in New Haven, and before he took on the presidency of the

E BECOME more firmly. convinced than ever as time goes on, that a constant rereading of James Parton,
' Alexis Tocqueville, and James Bryce is essential to an understanding of America and its institutions. With such a sure background, how- ever, we rapidly come to discriminate among those books about our country and its history constantly

PURELY PERSONAL

BOOKS ABOUT AMERICA
Thomas L. Masson
rules us, we nevertheless feel that when it comes to doing the right and the square thing, the in- fluence of this country and its impartial spirit wil! be one of the largest factors in such a desperate case as now exists. For this reason, the testimony of so many witnesses should not be ignoréd by readers It has often been said that we are so close to the war that it is useless to read any books about it also, it is true that it bores us. But we owe it tc ourselves to find out as much as we can about Europe. As a matter of fact, when one becomes actually immersed in this war literature it is a very interesting occupation.
Massachusetts Institute of Technology. We therefore have read this book with peculiar pleasure and pronounce it a model of biographical writing. General Walker was a very great man. He was modest, human, broad, and the story of his life is in such strong contrast to so many of the blatant personalities of the present day, that it makes us tremble at the future of this country, unless we can go on producing more men like him.
So far as the other personal books of the month are concerned, we note “Memories of Later Years” (Appleton. No price given) by Oscar Browning, voluminous European patter, fairly and garrulously good; ‘‘Dostoevsky” (Knopf. $2.50) being letters of the famous Russian epileptic, in- teresting only to those who are interested in him; “Things Remembered” (Houghton. $5.) by Arthur Sherburne, which moved us not very much; and a book called ““The Dominant Sex” (Doran. $3.) by Mathilde and Mathias Vaerting, which appears to be another attempt, not only to explain woman (something that nobody: has ever succeeded in doing) but to show that the dominant sex is some- thing that exists by itself, irrespective of either side. We mention this book in this department because it seems to be personal, but whether anybody will be able to extract from it any information about the dominant sex which will be of any value as a practical guide, we are unable to say. It is im- possible for us to judge a book like this with any coherence. We have been married too long, too dominantly, and too favorably.

being issued. For some time now, due in the be- ginning to Owen Wister and other patriotic writers, there has been a movement in favor of better text books on American history. Many of these text books have deservedly been held up to ridicule be- cause of their stupid and erroneous presentations. There seems to be seeping into the minds of some of our educators the idea that to give the facts about



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our early history is not necessarily unpatriotic. Some of the best books on any country have been written by outsiders. For example, here is a book by an Englishman ‘‘The Causes and Character of the American Revolution” (Oxford University Press. 7s 6d) by H. E. Egerton which seems to us to be written in the twin spirit of fairness and historic responsibility. It is well done, short, and salient, but ought possibly, however, to be read in the light of some of the most prominent standard text books dealing with the same period (sav Lossing).
At the other end of the chronological scale is a book that we have read with feelings that are some- times defined as “mingled.” Frankly, we don’t know what to make of it. It deals with prohi- bition, and the prohibition of to day. It is “‘Citi- zen or Subject” (Dutton. $3.) by Francis Hennessy (‘‘a member of the New York bar’’) and as a very frank, not to say almost passionate attempt to dispose on paper of the poor old Eighteenth Amend- ment, which still, in spite of everything, seems to

A Red Letter Book Guide 551
be hanging on like grim death. Personally, we believe that it will pull through in spite of what Mr. Hennessy states about it. He seems to feel, in the language of the living room, that it is dis- tinctly ‘‘de trop.” But then, Mr. Hennessy is a New Yorker. There are some people who some- times feel that New Yorkers are not all Americans. We are obliged to be neutral on this point. And so far as this book is concerned, we should not mind it at all if it were better reading. You know pretty well what the author means in the first few pages, and thereafter the plot doesn’t “intrigue” us, a word which we have never used before, but feel incumbent upon to employ at least once.
There are two other useful books which we are glad to record, namely “A Primer of Citizenship (Dutton. $1.50) by Mrs. Reginald De Koven and “We and Our Work”’ (Boni. No price) by Joseph French Johnson, both containing a mass of statis- tical and institutional information which for pur- poses of contemporary reference, are valuable to the citizen,

DRAMA
N DRAMA there are two plays, one of which took a prize and the other of which is in our opinion equally good. Thefirst is “Ice Bound” (Little, Brown. $1.50) by Owen Davis, and the
second “‘ The Adding Machine” (Doubleday. $1.50) by Elmer Rice. Both in the text are most excellent reading. And indeed, we are most glad to record here the growing practice of publishing the best plays. Charles Lamb, in one of his Shakespearean essays, declares that the best way to understand a play is not to see it but to read it, his argument, as we now recall it, being that in reading a play, you are limited in the stage business only by the limits of your imagination. We know of no more de- lightful occupation than play reading. As a rule it is also much safer than ordinary fiction reading.

because most of the plays published have already been acted with success, which means that they are good. The reader is therefore insured in ad- vance against getting a “‘dud’—something that cannot—we know to our sorrow—be said of all the novels.
There are other books of plays this month. There is a reprint of “Tolstoi’s Dramatic Works” a complete edition from original texts, translated so admirably by Nathan Haskell Dole (Cromwell. $2.50 net) and there are also “‘Puppet Plays’”’ (Harcourt. $1.75) by Alfred Kreymborg and “Ghetto Comedies” (Reprint by Macmillan. $2.50) by Israel Zangwill, those delightful comedies of Jewish life by a great literary artist, if not always a great dramatist.

MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL
HE literature of the Mind and theliterature
of the Spirit would seem to be widely sepa-
rated. The warfare between Science and
Religion is proverbial. Yet, side by side with the continuous controversy going on between the advocates of one and the advocates of the other, it is becoming more and more evident to close ob- servers of both fields that these apparently two opposite poles of thought are not really opposites at all, but only different viewpoints of the same thing. Psycho-analysis has probed the Un- conscious, and sounded Deity; for in the Uncon- scious are declared to be hidden all of the unutter- able cadences of infinity. Vernon Kellog, the biologist, in his latest and most significant book,

“Human Life as the Biologist Sees It” (Holt. $1.50) declares (pages 39-42) that he is beginning to realize there is more in his wife and child than appears in bodies “composed of engines, and of living tissues and organs composed of substances.” What he really means is of course, that the scientist, like the layman, is equally put to it to explain ori- gins. Mr. Kellog’s book, short and well written as all of his books are, is a very sane and very frank confession—with some quite natural hedging—on the whole mystery of life. If we wish, among this month’s books on this twin subject, to go to the other extreme, we have “Western Mysticism” (Dutton. $5.) by Dom Cuthbert Butler, a book which not only deals with many of the most promi-



552
nent contemplatives, but which performs the ad- mirable service reinforcing the author’s text by many quotations from their utterances. These two books, representing as they do almost opposite sides of the mystery of human life, should be taken in connection with ‘‘The Riverside New Testa- ment” (Houghton. $3.) a new translation by William G. Ballantine, D.D. Among many new translations of the New Testament, Dr. Ballan- tine’s is characterized by dignity of treatment and an enviable scholarship. We are frank however in expressing a doubt as to whether he has really added anything to a text which has already been so thoroughly treated. It appears to us, with all
Thomas L. Masson
respect to new and very important renderings, which throw great illumination on the text, that the King James version must always be read as a basis for a study of the Bible.
Other books in this department this month are a new edition of a very remarkable book “A Mind That Found Itself’ (Doubleday. $2.) “The Family and Its Members” (Lippincott. $2.) by Anna Garlin Spencer, and “Training in Power and Leadership” (Doran. $3.) by Grenville Kleiser. This last book is practically a recipe for making supermen. Nobody on earth could have written such a book but an American. It reeks with efficiency, and is very horrible.
FICTION
F THE two best novels we have read this month, one is by an Englishman and the other by a Spaniard. This is not in- tended to be aconfession. Among many
American books also read, we were favorably dis- posed in advance towards “The Nuptial Flight” (Boni. $2) because so much of the work of the author, Edgar Lee Masters, had in the past, given us so much pleasure. Alas! Mr. Master’s book is a strained attempt to portray two American families, or rather to portray certain characters springing from those families. It is written in this-is-a-cow style of the old New England primer, and after about forty or fifty pages the monotony of the style, largely descriptive, is exhausting. So far as story telling is concerned, this book has the common fault of so many American novels, where the author spends so much of his time in describing how the characters feel, instead of letting them speak for themselves. Robert Chambers, in his “Eris”? however doesn’t make this mistake (Doran. $2.) According go the list accompanying this book, Mr. Chambers has written fifty-six novels, and this is one more, making altogether fifty-seven varieties of Robert Chambers. And this is about a girl who went into the movies! It is stuffed with smart dialogue. And now let us come back to our Spaniard and our Englishman.
The Spaniard, as you may have suspected, is Vincente Blasco Ibanez. His book “‘The Tempt- ress” (Dutton. $2) is so lurid, in a sense so trite, that we are almost ashamed to say how much we
4
A list of the books included by Mr. Masson in this and previous “Red Letter Book Guides’ as well as some of the books to be in- cluded in future ones will be found in the front advertising section
liked it. Was it not Rebecca West who said that Ibanez was a gentleman, but not a novelist. That would be one reason why we consider him a novel- ist. His book has one merit which we may not accord to very many works of fiction. It is inter- esting. You can say what you otherwise will about it, but (as Robert Chambers so frequently makes his main character remark ‘“‘that’s that!’’) It has a certain kind of swing, a certain atmospheric sting to it, that moves you along. Besides, Ibanez knows his lady! That is a great deal in any book that deals with one.
The book by the Englishman, Philip Gibbs, is “The Middle of the Road” (Doran. $2.) and is termed ‘“‘a novel of the period.” It is a depressing book, there is no doubt about that. The girl in it is great. The man is a cad, and nothing that Sir Philip can do to him—even at the end—makes him anything else. 'f this is the kind of a hero left over from the war then, say we, God help England. Burke to the contrary, this picture that Mr. Gibbs has drawn is almost like an indictment against a whole people. Admitting all this to be true, the book is good—very good. We think it is over- written; it could have been compressed to advan- tage. Mr. Gibbs might read Turgenieff’s recipe for writing a novel to advantage—first to write it out at great length and then to cut it down to as little as possible. Both Gibbs and Masters in- deed might take note of what Voltaire once said, that the secret of wearying your reader is to tell him everything!